Ecce Signum

( Originally Published 1923 )

TRAVELERS should be attracted to Northern Africa, considering its accessibility, (it being but nine days from New York), its good roads, its delightful climate, and the interest that is always awakened by lands inhabited by people with entirely different social customs, aspirations, and ideals.

The return passage may be made just as quickly if made direct from Tunis to Paris and Cherbourg. I, however, returned by the way of Italy, and as the steamer lays over for a day at Palermo, I thereby enjoyed a visit to this beautiful and interesting city, where is located what I believe to be the most beautiful of chapels. It also afforded me another opportunity to enjoy the Pompeiian bronzes in the National Museum at Naples. I stopped over at Rome revelling again in the masterful art of Bernini and the old masters and once more strolled through that most historic spot in all the world, —the Palatine in Rome, which enfolds the history of centuries. It impresses me more every time I see it; for, as Hawthorne says, "The broadest pages of history are crowded so full with memorable events that one obliterates another. As if Time had crossed and recrossed his own records till they are illegible... The very dust of Rome is historic and inevitably settles on our pages and mingles with our ink." Rome became more evil than good, and evil cannot endure, but must eventually perish, and the Rome of early days is revealed in these uncovered ruins, this great Colosseum, more impressive than history, or at least giving greater significance to history.

However, what interested me far more than these ancient revelations of man's activities, social and political, was the present Fascisti movement, and its effect on Italy and the world's history of today.

Frank H. Simmonds in a recent article in the New York Herald refers to "A white anarchy in Italy indistinguishable from the red madness of Russia." I know how weak would be considered any opinion of mine on international politics as compared with that of Mr. Simmonds, who is a man of unusual insight and ability; but I cannot agree with him. Bolshevism, as I understand it, is an entire elimination of capital and industrial development in the hands of private individuals; instead, the government itself assumes a parental control of all industries and capital. Italy, in the hands of the Fascisti, has taken exactly the opposite course. It has discontinued the government operation of the railroads and other commercial industries, returned them to private corporations, and thereby avoided the piling up of further deficits in the operation of industries that are far better and more efficiently and economically handled by private corporations. In Russia, the citizens exist for the state; while in Italy it is still as it should be, the state exists for the citizen.

Premier Mussolini's statement at the present Lausanne conference to the effect that the Fascisti government intends to stand by agreements with other nations made by the former Italian Government and shirk none of its responsibility, is indeed reassuring and honor-able. The Fascisti are ratifying and executing all treaties made by their predecessors, and the position taken by Mussolini with the allied premiers at the conference is receiving the general endorsement of the Italian people and press. Italy is not awaiting payment from Germany, but is going ahead reducing expenses, increasing revenues, and solving her own financial problem. The Fascisti leaders are not ignoring the workmen, but they are differentiating between the real workmen and the labor agitators and trouble fomenters. The New Italy is suppressing all unproductive offices in the administration, and instead of remaining tax-payers' political parasites, they have become productive citizens. This sort of doctrine is good enough for the United States of America. We in America have also found that Government in business was not profitable. Italy is reducing expenses by cutting off a lot of government jobs created during the extravagant war period, an example we may well follow.

One of the things of very deep concern to me as an American is the continual tendency to endeavor to correct all evils, business unrest, and economic disturbance by the enactment of laws. We don't need more laws; we need more sane enforcement of those already existing, a course which would probably tend to repeal a great many that have outlived their usefulness. Politicians seem more and more concerned in passing laws requiring a great many more officials to endeavor to wield them and make them effective, cumbersome as they may be. The only apparent result is the multiplication of political jobs and henchmen, and increased taxation of the public. If we keep on in America, we will be government top-heavy, and one half of the people will be working to sup-port the other half as government officials; and as Mr. Lowden recently pointed out, it is only a short step from such a condition to soviet.

What we need in America, as I see it from a very far perspective, is exactly what Mr. Harding promised us, "Less government in business and more business in government." The recent election clearly showed how impatient the voter really is to have this condition brought about. I think perhaps too impatient, for it will require still a few years of constructive effort to overcome the extravagant, unsettled conditions of war. I, however, am still a firm believer that the world is progressing. I am settled in the belief that only good can prevail, and therefore good and the advancement of the human race is going to materialize from these new, unprecedented movements in government. I even include Bolshevism, for it has already had a beneficial effect on mankind by demonstrating its failure to people of like thought and tendency in other nations. Let Russia make the experiment if it is the choice of the majority of her people, and they will work out their own salvation, just as surely as did the French people at the time of the French Revolution. Those, too, were unprecedented days. There is good in all things; let us accept and apply that which is most beneficial to mankind as a whole and discard the balance, and real progress will result.

Business men tell me that the Fascisti movement has stamped out the activity of the communists and socialists, and that Italy is going forward to a stable, prosperous condition. Since Mussolini has taken over the reins, the lire has increased in value from 27 to 20 lires to the dollar. They are beginning to inquire who put the "muscle" in Mussolini.

And now comes the referendum in Switzerland on the issue of a capital levy. This was so cleverly planned that it only affected the for-tunes of six per cent. of Switzerland's population, and yet the ninety-four per cent. voted by a seven to one majority to defeat this iniquitous proposal; a communistic idea of shifting the tax burden upon the rich, which naturally enough might rally the vote of the Socialist and the Bolshevist. It was a battle between the rights of property and its great enemy, communism. When intelligently analyzed, its defects became apparent. It meant the confiscation of private fortunes and the destruction of man's initiative. This would drive capital from their country, industries would disappear, and with them the general prosperity upon which the very existence of labor depends. It is illogical to tax capital ; on the contrary, it is the income derived from capital that should furnish the basis of taxes.

Behold the Sign. In both instances, in Italy and Switzerland, when the voice of the people was given an opportunity to speak through the medium of public opinion or the ballot, they registered their stand for justice, honor, and integrity. The world is moving forward; a new order of things has arrived. A world-wide citizenship is being established in the minds of the people. No individual or nation can any longer live unto themselves. This fact was graphically brought home to me when I recently read that England was listening in on a radio musical given at Newark, New Jersey. While America grew prosperous and waxed strong under Washington's policy of isolation, which was carried forward by Lincoln, were these two great statesmen alive today, I am of the opinion that they would counsel America to go forward and assume her obligations as the greatest nation of the day, and wield this power and influence to stabilize the political unrest. I believe in a League of Nations (pr give it any other name), just so long as it affords a Supreme World Tribunal at which court, nations may settle their differences, a Union of Powers which will compel by force or public opinion the settlement of all inter-national differences.

There are just two ways open: one, a League of Nations or International Court; the other, the return to past order of things, namely, alliances. For example, an alliance between the United States, England, and France as against Germany, Russia, and Turkey, with the respective allies of both groups. This means further wars; for as Mark Twain stated, "difference of opinion is what makes horse races," and we all know it causes wars between nations, wars which might be avoided, by a Court of Equity, a World Tribunal meeting out impartial justice to all contending nations and thereby saving the lives of millions of men, devoting their energies to constructive efforts, instead of to destructive warfare.

I appreciate the fart that the idealist dislikes to depart from an ideal. That is as it should be; but I have always felt that had Mr. Wilson possessed the quality of Lincoln, then this man who championed the League of Nations at Versailles, would not have defeated it in America by refusing its acceptance and endorsement by Congress with suitable reservations conforming to our constitution and traditions.

The election two years ago resulting in an overwhelming defeat of the Democratic party was not a vote against the League of Nations, as so many politicians tried to interpret it, but an expression of the people against the autocracy of Mr. Wilson, and also an expression of the hope that a change of party might give quick relief to the ill condition brought about by the war. The recent election, nearly the reversal of the former, was the voice of a people impatiently crying out in a wilderness of uncertainty against the yoke of taxation brought about by this same war, and a further indication that what they want is peace in the pursuit of industry and life, "less government in business and more business in government."

I am not surprised by the occasional display of impatience on the part of the people; but on the contrary, I am surprised at the great patience, the unlimited courage, and confidence in their fellowmen that they continually manifest.

In France, I see good reasons for being hopeful, and the main question that looms up on the horizon is the reparation from Germany. It is very evident that Germany is going to flunk, which means that France will enter the Ruhr section. Why shouldn't she? If Germany persists in refusing to pay, giving as her excuse inability to meet payment, even though her people are only taxed one third the amount paid by the French and not as much as the burden carried by England; if she continues to depreciate her currency and refuse her gold to her creditors, what else, in the name of fair play, can France do but seize a portion of her productive area, making her pay in kind, and credit these proceeds to Germany's indebtedness. It is generally acknowledged that the only kind of language that the Germans understand is force. Turn about is fair play. When the Germans encountered trouble in the collection of taxes from the French in 1871, Bismarck urged force as a remedy. The records read as follows : "If we cannot supply garrisons for every place within our sphere of occupation, we should from time to time send a flying column wherever they show themselves recalcitrant, and shoot, hang, and burn. When that has been done for a couple of times they will learn sense." Any action taken by the government officials of France to make Germany pay will be carrying out the will of her people. They can do nothing else, and I approve of their determination to show Germany what it costs to wage war on one's neighbor. I hope they have the courage to apply the coercive measures provided by the treaty of Versailles.

When listening to the whines of the Germans, we should not forget the tears shed by suffering France in those harrowing days of the war.

I do not believe that France is desirous of annexing any additional territory. Germany failed in Alsace and Lorraine, and this should be a lesson to both parties. Invasion and seizure of the Ruhr district, however, may eventually result in the forming of a separate state or republic which might be helpful to both Germany and France as an independent buffer nation.

I was particularly impressed when recently reading a thought expressed by Hawthorne, and although requested that this thought never be quoted against him, the idea so aptly applies that I may be pardoned for doing so. "The great want that mankind labors under at this present period is sleep. The world should recline its vast head on the first convenient pillow and take an age-long nap. It has gone distracted through a morbid activity, and, while preternaturally wide awake, is nevertheless tormented by visions that seem real to it now, but would assume their true aspect and character were all things once set right by an interval of sound repose. This is the only method of getting rid of old delusions and avoiding new ones; of regenerating our race, so that it might in due time awake as an infant out of dewy slumber; of restoring the simple perception of what is right, and the single hearted desire to achieve it, both of which have long been lost in consequence of this weary activity of brain and torpor or passion of the heart that now afflict the universe. Stimulants, the only mode of treatment hitherto attempted, cannot quell the disease; they do but heighten the delirium."

Men who occupy high places in life, states-men, writers, teachers, who have studied the economic, social, and psychological conditions today existent, are unhesitatingly declaring that the one thing that can bring about the cure of our present economic and social evils, is a sincere return to Christianity. Christ's spirit permeating man and controlling his desires and acts, is the one certain means of restoring the world's confidence and moral status. It is the old formula "Love thy neighbor as thyself " which, if applied, will quiet the troubled waters of social unrest and discontent. If men's hearts are put right through acceptance of the principles of Christianity, injustice towards any-one will disappear. As someone recently said, "Back to Christ and the ten commandments will alone save the world."

Paris, Dec. 1920.