Alexander The Great
William The Conqueror
Richard The Lion-hearted
Robert The Bruce
Frederick The Great
Read More Articles About: Famous Warriors
( Originally Published Early 1900's )
WAS HE HERO OR KNAVE?
Schiller, who made Wallenstein the central figure in three of his dramas, and in his history of the Thirty Years' War devotes much attention to the important part taken in it by Wallenstein, says : "His character has been so obscured by the hatred and applause of factions, as still to float unfixed and stationless in history." For two centuries the biographers of Wallenstein paid due homage to his greatness as a warrior and the remarkable part he played in the sanguinary struggle which marks one of Europe's most important periods. But no effort was made to shed light upon the dark and mysterious chapters which closed his career. The question whether he was a man of honor and integrity or a great and ambitious criminal, whose treachery merited the cold-blooded tragedy which ended his life, was left unsettled. All were guided by the official account of the court of Vienna, published immediately after the authorized assassination at Eger. Doctor Förster, in 1828, was the first to attempt the defense of the famous Duke of Friedland. Others have followed him and have endeavored to prove that Wallenstein was the victim of his enemies, and thus remove the stain of infamy from the name of this powerful actor in the great events which so materially affected the destinies of Europe. Wallenstein's high standing as a military genius is nowhere disputed. He organized armies out of the most unpromising material and conducted a series of campaigns which reflect the greatest luster upon his ability, intrepidity and skill. From the humble beginning of, a common soldier he rose through his own indomitable energy and resistless perseverance to a height so commanding as to place almost within his reach the crown of Bohemia.
Albrecht Eusebius Wenzeslaus von Waldstein, known in history as Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland, Sagan, and Mecklenburg, was born September 15, 1583, the third and youngest son of John Waldstein of Hermanic, Bohemia. His parents being Protestants, the lad received his first religious instruction in that faith. His boyhood was any-thing but promising. Before he reached the age of twelve years, both of his parents died and he was taken under the protection of an uncle Lord Slavata, of Chulm. A little later he was transferred to another uncle Lord Kavka, of Ricam. This man was a zealous Jesuit and sent the boy to the College of Nobles at Olmütz. Here he was converted to the Catholic faith. At the age of 16, according to some of his biographers, he was sent to Altorf University near Nuremberg, where the records, still preserved, show that he was punished for misconduct. Forster, however, asserts that Wallenstein never attended at Altorf, and left Olmütz only when, through the exertions of Father Pachta, an arrangement was made for him to accompany Lord Liek, a wealthy young nobleman, on an extensive tour of Europe. France, Spain, Germany, Holland, and England were visited, and the youth had ample opportunity to acquire a store of knowledge and experience during these travels. While in Italy he became interested in the study of astrology and remained for some time at Padua, receiving instruction in that branch from Professor Argoli. It is said that the teacher, by the aid of his art, predicted for his pupil great martial fame and a brilliant destiny. Whether or not this prophecy induced him to take the next step of his life is not known, but on leaving Padua, he joined the imperial army, then struggling against the Turks in Hungary. At the siege of Gran, after having served through several campaigns, the young soldier was promoted to command a company of infantry. As money, in those days, formed the only means, practically, of promotion in rank, and as Wallen-stein at this period was poor, it is concluded that he must have shown an extraordinary degree of merit. In 1606, after peace had been concluded, Wallenstein returned to Bohemia and received his share of the estate left by his father. As he had two brothers and three sisters, his part most probably was not large. At this time, Wallen-stein's brother-in-law, Count Zerotin, whose letters are still preserved, wrote, in an effort to secure for Wallen-stein a position as chamberlain to the Archduke Matthias : "He is extremely reserved and entertains the most ardent predilection for the profession of arms." Following the advice of friends, soon after his return to Bohemia, he sought the Lady Lucretia Nikkessin, of Landeck, in marriage. She was possessed of great wealth, but accepted the poor youth for a husband. Little is recorded in connection with the domestic affairs of Wallenstein nor of his own actions during this period. In 1617, however, having inherited the wealth of the Lady Lucretia, who died in 1614, Wallenstein at his own expense equipped 200 horsemen and set out to aid Archduke Ferdinand of Gratz in his war against Venice. In this campaign, Wallenstein first demonstrated his superiority as a military genius by getting supplies into the fortress of Granitza, which had for a considerable time been blockaded by the enemy. He accomplished the feat without striking a blow, and his exploit attracted the attention of the surrounding states. His troops, it is recorded, were magnificently equipped, well paid, and lavishly fed out of his private purse, and such liberality did not fail to attract the attention of the Emperor, who conferred on him the rank of Count and placed him in command of the Moravian militia, a post of considerable importance. At this period, Wallenstein married Isabella Catherine, Countess of Harrach, daughter of the imperial minister, Count Harrach. She brought Wallenstein a great fortune and an influence which he might not otherwise have obtained. Soon after this marriage he went to Olmütz, where he had been placed in command of the provincial militia.
The year 1618 was now well advanced, and the first acts of violence which led to the Thirty Years' War transpired, and the slumbering volcano of religious dissension burst into eruption. In the charter which Emperor Rudolph had granted to the people of Bohemia and which both Emperor Matthias and Ferdinand had sworn to maintain, there was a specific stipulation that the Protestants should have full right to build schools and churches in cities and in the country. The Protestant citizens of Prague, under this stipulation, had built two churches and the evangelical congregations of Brunau and Klostergraben were about to dedicate their new edifices, when the Catholic clergy, claiming to be acting under direct instructions from the Emperor, seized the churches and destroyed one, while they closed up the other. The two congregations joined in a complaint to the Lords of the Council, the representatives of the Emperor at Prague. Instead of granting redress, the dignitaries caused the deputies of the complainants to be imprisoned. The Protestant members of the states then assembled and sent a strong remonstrance to the Emperor. From the fact that the Catholics were in full control at Vienna, where the Emperor was held completely under their influence and also on the advice of Ferdinand of Bohemia, whose hatred of "heresy" had previously been demonstrated, the Emperor returned the remonstrance with a harsh reply. It was on May 22, 1618, that the deputies of the Protest-ant states appeared before the Council of Prague to listen to the decision of the Emperor in regard to their appeal. The reply set forth that "His Imperial Majesty had, for good and sufficient reasons, deemed it right to command that the church of Brunau should be closed and the one of Klostergraben demolished. His Imperial Majesty further thought that the states had abused the charter, and that the deputies had rendered themselves liable to be punished as rebels and traitors."
The decision caused no surprise, as it had already been given publicity, and the Protestant clergymen had vigorously denounced this encroachment on their religious liberties and had taken every means in their power to arouse the indignation of the people. The deputation therefore had but to follow out a prearranged programme. They requested a copy of the Imperial letter and asked permission to again appear before the Council the following day to make their explanations. On the following morning the Protestant noblemen who had been chosen proceeded to the castle in full armor, followed by a great crowd of armed Protestants. After some argument, the crowd seized the Lords of the Council and threw them out of a window and fired several shots at them. None of them were injured, but the leaders of the Protestants realized that their act would be likely to be followed by the vengeance of the Emperor, and at once sent a contrite appeal for clemency. There was, however, little hope that such a request would be granted and precautionary measures were promptly taken. Many of the Catholic clergy were banished, Count Thurn, one of the Protestant leaders, was placed at the head of an army, alliances were entered into with the neighboring countries of Lusatia and Silesia, and appeals for aid were sent to the Protestants of all German states.
Wallenstein was asked to take sides with the insurgents, but declined, preferring to cast his lot with the imperial armies. Two Austrian armies were sent against the Bohemians to disarm them, but the imperial troops were repulsed. Wallenstein tried in vain to hold the Moravians in allegiance to the Emperor, and in return the deputies of the States passed a decree relieving him of his command. His imperial commission availed him nothing, and he was compelled to evacuate Olmütz, against which, Count Thurn was then marching with an army. Wallenstein was provided by the Emperor with a regiment of cuirassiers, and in the following June he was present with his command at the battle of Teyne, and defeated the insurgents under Count Mansfeld. This battle and victory, small as it might appear when compared with Wallenstein's subsequent exploits, was really of the greatest importance, coming as it did at a most critical period. By the death of Emperor Matthias just previously, Ferdinand of Gratz, King of Hungary and Bohemia, had succeeded to the imperial throne and his position in Vienna was daily becoming more insecure, inasmuch as the town was destitute of troops, while the Protestant armies were advancing upon it from every direction. Count Thurn, at the head of the Bohemian army, was already at the Danube bridge, and the sound of his guns could be heard at the palace. Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, was advancing with 5o,000 men, and the Protestants of both upper and lower Austria were arming and coming to the aid of the Bohemians. All seemed lost to Emperor Ferdinand, when suddenly came the announcement of the insignificant defeat of Mansfeld at Teyne, coupled with the information that Wallenstein and the Austrians under Bocquoi were marching on Prague. The effect was instantaneous. The Bohemians gave up their project against Vienna, broke camp and hastened toward Prague to defend it. Thus the Austrian capital was saved and Ferdinand found time to, secure himself against his adversaries. His first step was to proceed to Frankfort, where, in spite of Protestant opposition, he was formally elected to the imperial throne in August. Almost simultaneously with this event the Bohemians renounced their allegiance to Austria and selected Frederick V, Elector of the Palatinate, as their sovereign. In the meantime the army of Transylvanians met and defeated General Bocquoi, and would have entered Vienna but for the resistance of the troops of Wallenstein. Finding that their allies, the Bohemians, had departed, the Transylvanians also retired. Maximilian of Bavaria, one of the ablest and most powerful of the Catholic Princes, by an agreement with Ferdinand, marched into Bohemia and was joined by the troops of Wallenstein and Bocquoi. These armies met with no resistance until November 8, 162o, when the Bohemians and their allies made a stand at the White Mountain, near Prague. These defenders of Bohemia were illy disciplined and mutinous as a result of internal dissensions, and while they numbered 25,000 men and could have made a tremendous defense against the 30,000 which composed the invading army, they were completely routed. King Frederick V, on learning of the result, fled with all speed to Holland, forfeiting his crown, and Prague surrendered the next day. This restored to Ferdinand his dominions. Practically the war was at an end, and peace would perhaps have been made lasting, had not Ferdinand in revenge for the revolt of his subjects given over the unhappy kingdom to the remorseless vengeance of inquisitors and executioners. According to Habernfeld and Erhard, the most barbarous cruelty was practiced upon those found to have been connected with the insurrection. Three months were allowed to elapse before this bloody work was begun, and many who had fled the kingdom were lulled into security and returned, only to fall victims to the executioner. Members of the nobility were beheaded, the plebeians were hanged. With his own hand Ferdinand destroyed the Bohemian Magna Charta, and thus relieved of its obligations, banished the Protestant clergy and subjected their congregations to oppression of every sort. In less than two years the estates of 622 Protestant nobles were confiscated for the benefit of the crown. Wallen-stein took no part in the battle at Prague, having been sent with an expedition into Moravia. He met with no resistance, and on entering Olmütz, repossessed himself of his own estates and bought up numerous confiscated estates at extremely low prices, as a result of his services to the Emperor. After the fall of Prague, the Transylvanians again invaded Austria. The imperial generals failed to arrest the progress of Gabor's army, and it remained for Wallenstein to add to his renown by administering a crushing defeat to the forces of Prince Gabor at Shanutz, October 18, 1621. In 1623, however, Gabor renewed the war in pursuance of his claims upon the crown of Hungary. In this campaign he succeeded in surrounding the imperial army sent against him, and surrender must have resulted but for the timely arrival of Wallen-stein with an army of relief. Toward the end of this year, as a reward for his services, Wallenstein was created Count Palatine and Duke of Friedland, with the right of striking coin and granting patents of nobility. The domain forming the duchy was composed of confiscated lands which had been purchased by him. Some historians hold that Wallenstein was also created a Prince, in translation of the German word "Fürst," but there is some doubt on this point. His own letters during the period spent by him in actively ruling his dukedom throw considerable light on his character. They show that he lived in the most sumptuous style, ordered liveries at one time for fifty servants, commands the citizens of Leipa to send their children to a school which he had founded, and offers a reward of 5,000 crowns for the capture of an intruder who organized a revolt in the dukedom. These letters also show that he patronized agriculture to a large extent, built roads and bridges, issued a constitution for his subjects, and invited artisans and instructors to his court from foreign countries. There is an abundance of evidence that he strove to educate and benefit his vassals in every way. While Wallenstein was thus peacefully employed, the armies of the Emperor, under Tilly, had invaded the Palatinate, the hereditary dominions of the fugitive King Frederick V, and accomplishing its con-quest after meeting with no resistance except that of an army led by Count Ernest of Mansfeld, an adventurer, who, though courageous and resourceful, could not long maintain himself against the combined armies of the Emperor and the League. The movements of the imperial army became such as to evoke protests from the States, and when Tilly's forces gathered on the frontiers of lower Saxony, the States began arming. Aided by English subsidies, the Duke of Brunswick and Mansfeld again appeared on the scene and an alliance was entered into with the King of Denmark, Christian IV. An army of 6o,000 was soon organized and its avowed object was for self-protection and to maintain peace. At Vienna it was construed to mean that an effort would be made to reconquer the Palatinate, and the Emperor, after ordering the forces disbanded, and meeting with refusal, sent his armies into the Circle. King Christian, who was commander-in-chief of the Protestant forces, was an able general, and Tilly made little progress. He demanded reinforcements, but the Emperor had none to send. Tilly's forces were composed almost entirely of the troops of Maximilian and the Catholic League. The imperial troops were engaged in watching Gabor and preserving peace in the newly acquired territories. The Emperor was badly in need of troops, but his resources were almost-exhausted. At this juncture Wallenstein came forward and offered to raise and equip at his own expense an army of 50,000 men. While the Emperor hesitated to put so much power into his hands he finally consented to the proposition, and Wallenstein was promised a salary of 6,000 florins per month and empowered to reward himself and his men from out of the fruits of their conquests. Wallenstein's fame for liberality caused soldiers to flock to his standard from all of the surrounding nations. At the end of a month he had an army of 20,000, and, leaving Eger on September 3, 1625, he soon appeared on the borders of Lower Saxony with an army of 30,000. Wallenstein placed himself in communication with Tilly with a view to cooperating, but differences arose and the armies continued to act separately. On entering Lower Saxony, Wallenstein followed the Elbe River, and in order to command its passage, secured the bridge of Dessau. He fortified it by building strong redoubts on the right bank. On the first of April, 1626, Count Mansfeld made a gallant attack on Wallenstein's position, but was repulsed. A second attack was made April 11th, which was equally unsuccessful. On April 15th the persistent Mansfeld was again advancing to the attack, when Wallenstein crossed the river, attacked Mansfeld's army, and won a victory.
The number of slain in Mansfeld's ranks is given as 9,000. Mansfeld fled, but reappeared in the field in June at the head of 20,000 men. A letter from Wallen-stein to the Emperor at this time relates that "6,000 British soldiers for Mansfeld's army were reported landed at Hamburg," but this is discredited by historians. With his new army Mansfeld marched through Silesia for the purpose of joining Prince Gabor in Hungary. Wallen-stein pursued him into Hungary, sustaining severe losses during the marches through the Carpathian Mountains, owing to lack of supplies. Mansfeld could not come to terms with Gabor and his Transylvanians and Turks, and after turning over his command to Prince Ernest of Weimar, set out for Venice, but died on the way. Gabor, finding Wallenstein's army in his vicinity, effected another truce with the Emperor. Wallenstein placed his fatigued army into winter quarters on the Danube, made a visit to Vienna, secured reinforcements and supplies, and, in the spring of 1627, had a well-equipped army of 40,000. During his absence in Hungary Tilly had defeated the army of the King of Denmark, and several of the German States, terrified at the possible results, renounced the alliance with Denmark. Wallenstein's first move in the campaign of 1627 was to occupy Silesia, where he met with no resistance from the small forces of Danish troops. He next occupied Mecklenburg and Pomerania, in spite of remonstrances and assurances of neutrality. Wallenstein's reply, according to Forster, to these remonstrances was that the time had come to dispense with electors and unite the country under one absolute sovereign, the same as France and Spain. He marched toward the frontiers of Holstein, following the retreating Danes, and in a series of engagements near Heilighausen, defeated and scattered them, and ravaged the entire peninsula of Jutland.
The sea arrested the further progress of the victorious army. Those States of Lower Germany which had renounced the alliance with Denmark, were soon made to suffer the consequences of their policy of refusing to supply the army of their defenders. Wallenstein had increased his force to 100,000 men and overran the country, levying contributions and following out the theory of making the war pay for the war. Tremendous sums were extorted from the provinces, and complaints to the Emperor, who had through Wallenstein's prowess been made absolute ruler from the Baltic to the Adriatic, availed nothing. Wallen-stein did not fail to improve this opportunity to add to his already enormous wealth. With the end of the campaign, he repaired to Prague, where the Emperor was then established, and solicited the transfer to him of the Duchy of Mecklenburg, as a reward for his services. Incidentally he presented an account for three millions of florins for war expenses. It was an easy way for the Emperor to settle the account, and on February 1, 1628, letters patent were granted, declaring that the Dukes of Mecklenburg had forfeited their domains because they had made an alliance with the King of Denmark, and transferring the duchy to Wallenstein to hold as pledge for the payment of certain war expenses. The months that Wallen-stein remained at Prague during this visit, he was laying plans for the conquest of Denmark and also for an alliance with Sweden to conquer Norway. He ordered all seaport towns invested, fortresses built along the coasts of Mecklenburg and Pomerania and collected vessels which he intended to use in his invasion of Denmark. Arnheim, second in command to Wallenstein, in pursuance of these orders, attempted to occupy Stralsund, strongly located on the Baltic. The citizens refused to comply with these demands, claiming the privileges of a Hanseatic free town.
Arnheim besieged the town, and on May i6, 1628, attempted to carry it by assault, but was repulsed. Failing to receive aid from the Duke of Pomerania, the people of Stralsund placed themselves under the protection of the King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, who, fully aware of the importance of the place, sent 600 men under David Leslie and later 1,000 more under Count Brahe to aid in its defense. Wallenstein joined his army before Stralsund, June 27th. He led a general assault in which heavy losses were inflicted on both sides, and while his troops even penetrated to the inner lines, they were unable to overcome the desperate resistance offered. The bombardment of the town continued, and deputies came to Wallen-stein to make terms. An armistice of a few days was agreed upon, while terms could be discussed. Before this was accomplished, a Danish fleet appeared off the harbor and the besieged refused to carry the negotiations further, asserting that they would not submit. The attack was renewed, but continued rains filled the trenches with water, the camp became inundated, and sickness spread rapidly among the troops, and a force of Danes landed at Jasmund. Wallenstein was therefore compelled to abandon the siege, and marched with his troops to oppose the Danes at Jasmund. They had, however, reëmbarked, and later landed at Wolgast, where they were surprised by Wallenstein and signally defeated. He next proceeded to Holstein, where he captured Krempe, but failed to reduce Glückstadt, which continually received reinforcements from the ships of the Danes. Realizing the impossibility of accomplishing his purpose without the aid of a fleet, Wallenstein was ready to make peace with the Danes. Consequently a treaty was entered into at Lübeck in January, 1629, by which Denmark recovered all her former possessions, but pledged herself not to further interfere in the affairs of the Empire. All of Germany now hoped the peace they had longed for would come. The country had suffered to a great extent from the ravages of the imperial armies, and protests and petitions poured in upon the Emperor from every side. Instead of peace, how-ever, Ferdinand signed the "Edict of Restitution," calling upon all Protestants to restore to the Catholic Church all church property that had been sequestered since the pacification of 1555. The edict fell like the knell of doom upon Protestant Germany. It meant that numberless convents and clerical domains which had been confiscated must now be returned. Commissioners were appointed to see that the mandate was carried into effect. Summary proceedings were instituted, the estates of all persons who had served with any of the armies arrayed against Ferdinand, were confiscated. Raumer writes that the largest sum paid to any of those who were deprived of their estates was twenty florins. It became the part of Wallenstein to carry the edict into effect in all sections occupied by his troops, and history records that he proceeded with the work with merciless rigor. In 163o a great Diet was convoked to meet at Ratisbon to settle all remaining differences. At this Diet complaints of every description and nature were made to the Emperor of the cruelty and savage barbarity practiced by the imperial troops in their campaigns. These reports reflected severely upon Wallenstein, and plainly demonstrated that his enemies were legion. At different times it was reported that his life had been attempted, but there is no authentic record of any effort in this direction being made prior to the assassination which ended his life. The greatest among his enemies were members of the nobility, both Catholic and Protestant, and at the head of this hostile party was Maximilian of Bavaria, second Prince of the Empire. The Diet made a report and Ferdinand was advised from all sides to dismiss Wallenstein. The Emperor yielded finally and dispatched two Counts to communicate the order of dismissal to Wallenstein, who was then encamped at Memmingen with an army of 100,000 men, and who would have obeyed any order he might choose to give. It was expected that he would refuse to be dismissed. On the contrary, he failed even to utter a protest, but showed by an astrological calculation that the Emperor was not to blame, inasmuch as the spirit of Maximilian predominated over the spirit of Ferdinand. Not long before his dismissal King Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden landed in Pomerania with less than 20,000 men and for more than a year continued to defeat the imperial army in every engagement and quickly made himself master of great sections of Ferdinand's territory. Meanwhile, his allies, the Saxons, invaded and occupied Bohemia and every effort to drive them out proved futile. At the battle of Breitenfeld, Tilly was badly defeated by the Swedes, and at the battle of the Lech the imperial army was again beaten and Tilly received a mortal wound from which he died the following day. Gustavus Adolphus then advanced on Munich, which dared not resist him, and continued his triumphal march until he was master from the Baltic to the Rhine. During all this time Wallenstein was living in splendor and luxury in his magnificent castle and apparently paying no heed to the victorious progress of the Swedish army. In his extremity the Emperor, after seeing the troops of the Empire shattered and defeated, applied to Wallenstein to resume his former position. At first he positively refused to comply with the demands of the Emperor, but on being further pressed he agreed to take the command for three months, during which time he undertook to raise an army of 40,000 or 50,000 men. The Emperor was practically destitute of troops, and lacking in means to procure them. As soon as it was announced that Wallenstein was to take up a campaign against the invaders, soldiers flocked to his standard by the thousands. Those who had served under him before were the first to come forward. They well knew the severity of his discipline and the rigorous penalties inflicted by him, but they also remembered his lavish generosity in rewards. Before the expiration of the three months an army of 40,000 stood ready, fully equipped and officered by experienced soldiers from every nation, ready to follow him against the enemies of the Empire. Wallenstein was given absolute and unrestricted power, not even the Emperor reserving the right to control his movements or dispose of rewards. General Arnheim at this time occupied Bohemia with an army of Saxons, but had permitted the organization of this army without making a move to stop it. On May 4th Wallenstein suddenly stood with his army before Prague. Arnheim and the Saxons retreated after a small garrison had been left to defend the town. As soon as the guns of the attacking army opened, the Capuchin friars, whose convent walls formed part of the town wall, began to break it down. Two breaches were soon made and an assault undertaken. The first attempt failed, but the second was successful and the imperial troops entered the city and plundered it, notwithstanding that it was a part of the domain they had been organized to defend. Wallenstein rewarded every soldier who had been wounded during the attack. The towns of Egra and Leumeritz capitulated without resistance and Bohemia was more quickly recovered than it had been taken by the Saxons. At Egra Wallenstein was joined by Maximilian with Bavarian troops, after humbling his former enemy by having it stipulated that Maximilian was to be under the orders of Wallenstein. The imperial and Bavarian forces numbered 60,000. By rapid marches he reached the Upper Palatinate determined to attack Gustavus at the first opportunity. The Swedish army at this time did not exceed 20,000, and retreated before Wallenstein to Nuremberg, situated in the midst of the country it had conquered.
Before Wallenstein with his army arrived in front of Nuremberg, Gustavus had strongly fortified and entrenched the town, and so well was the work done that Wallenstein considered the position unassailable and determined to conquer the enemy by the aid of famine. He selected a commanding position about five miles to the southwest of Nuremberg on a range of wooded hills, where his camp formed an irregular parallelogram about four miles in length and one to two in breadth. The camp was strengthened with redoubts at the most important points and all approaches were guarded and fortified. From this secure post, detachments of Croats and light troops were sent to cut off supplies for the Swedish army and harass their foragers. This led to a continual series of skirmishes between detached parties of the two armies. The most important of these was the surprise of Frienstadt. Here the principal magazine of the imperial army was located and a large convoy from Austria and Bavaria assembled there on its way to Wallenstein's camp. The town was attacked by the Swedes in the night and the convoy captured. This caused want in the camp of Wallenstein. In the meantime the King of Sweden had called upon the allied and Swedish troops acting in various parts of the Empire to come to his aid, and on August 16th these troops, having assembled at Kinzingen, entered the camp of Gustavus and added to his forces 36,000 men. Wallenstein made no effort to prevent the entry of these reinforcements into Nuremberg. He rather regarded their arrival as aiding his plan of starving the Swedes into sub-mission, and indeed it was not long before hunger became common and was soon supplemented by disease and crime. August 22d the Swedes cannonaded the camp of Wallen-stein all day, but without result. Two days later Gustavus with his whole army assailed his position. After repeated efforts, renewed time and again, with all the bravery for which these troops of Gustavus were noted, the attempt was finally abandoned. Wallenstein's troops, though but newly organized, made the most valiant resistance, and the wisdom of the manner in which he had fortified his camp was amply demonstrated by the failure of the enemy to make any considerable impression at any point along the imperial lines. Wallenstein, as in all of his previous battles, displayed the most undaunted courage by appearing wherever the battle raged most fiercely, and urging and encouraging his troops. At one point he discovered some of his troops deserting their post under the terrific fire being poured upon them. Personally he drove the fugitives back to their places, and while thus engaged his horse was shot from under him. After the Swedes had withdrawn, and it was assured that the repulse had been ' a success, Wallenstein, as at the capture of Prague, distributed money to every wounded soldier and lavishly rewarded the troops having displayed the greatest bravery. In a letter to the Emperor, giving an account of the engagement, he acknowledges having lost 400 men and a number of officers, and estimates the loss to the Swedes at 2,000. For a time the two armies remained opposite each other, neither making a move to attack the other. Gustavus, unable to lure Wallenstein from his strong position, determined to break up his camp. He placed 5,000 men in Nuremberg as a garrison and on September 8th, with flags flying and drums beating, marched slowly in review before the imperial entrenchments and marched away to Neustadt. In spite of this taunting defiance and challenge on the part of the Swedish King, Wallenstein firmly refused to hazard a battle without, as he explains in a letter, the presence of Pappenheim and his cavalry, at this time absent from the camp. Schiller calls this same Pappenheim, "the Telamon of the army and the most formidable warrior of the House of Austria and of the church," so that Wallenstein's decision was evidently based on wise principles. From Neustadt, the King of Sweden dispatched Bernhard, Duke of Weimar, to Würzburg for the defense of the Main, and with the rest of his army proceeded into Bavaria to complete the conquest of that country. Five days later Wallenstein broke up his camp, and, after separating from Maximilian, who with his troops hastened to the defense of his own country, directed his march on Bamberg with the object of separating the Saxons from the Swedes. After vainly attempting to reduce the castle of Coburg, defended by a Swedish garrison, Wallenstein rapidly advanced into the very heart of Saxony and captured Leipsic on October 23d. Schiller and other historians, who have presented Wallenstein from but one view, assert that he here gave orders that the country be plundered and laid waste. This is conclusively disproved by the letters written at this time by Wallenstein to Holk and Gallas, two of his generals, and published by Dr. Forster along with many other letters, still preserved in the archives of the War Department. In one of these letters, Wallenstein says : "Let nothing be destroyed or taken from the peasantry, for we must live during the winter on the supplies we can find here." Also, "The Croats must not, under pain of death, presume to take a single thing from the people." No directions to refrain from acts of violence could be more positive. Wallenstein had at this time ordered Pappenheim, who with his corps was on the Lower Rhine, to join him at Leipsic. In the meantime the King of Sweden had almost reduced Ingolstadt, brilliant prospects were opening for him toward the south, and the road to Vienna was almost clear, when the news of Wallenstein's successes in Saxony reached him, and he hastened to the aid of his allies there. He left a sufficient force to protect the territory conquered in Bavaria, and by forced marches reached Erfurth. There he was joined by the Duke of Weimar, and the army rapidly advanced upon Naumburg and seized it before Wallenstein had time to reinforce the garrison which he had placed there. At this time Wallenstein was on his way to Torgau, where he hoped to destroy the Saxon army. Learning, however, of the arrival of the Swedes at Naumburg, he determined to countermarch and fall with his whole army upon the King's forces. He advanced to Weissenfels and found, on reconnoitering, that the Swedes had as strongly entrenched themselves at Naumburg, as they previously had at Nuremberg. To attack such a position would be unsuccessful and perhaps fatal, and he called a consultation of his generals to form a plan of procedure. Although Wallenstein's army was composed of 40,000 men, and the Swedes had but 22,000, an attack was regarded as out of the question. The generals came to the conclusion also that Gustavus had decided to make a long stay at Naumburg, and the plan of the council therefore was that Pappenheim should hasten with a detachment of Croats to the relief of Cologne while the rest of the imperial army went into winter quarters. Wallenstein himself was not present at these deliberations but when they were laid before him agreed to the plans. Pappenheim was therefore dispatched toward Cologne and in order that he might while on his way dislodge a Swedish garrison at Halle, his original force was increased by six regiments of infantry and six of cavalry. To cover the expedition, Wallenstein, after placing most of his troops in cantonments, took post at Lützen. Before daybreak on the morning of November 5th, the Swedes suddenly broke camp and marched in the direction of Pagau, evidently with the intention of joining the Saxons at Dresden. At ten o'clock in the fore-noon, Gustavus discovered through some intercepted letters and from prisoners, what had transpired in the imperial army. With Pappenheim at a distance, the army scattered in cantonments, and Wallenstein surrounded with but 12,000 troops, the opportunity was not to be lost and instantly the necessary orders were given which started the Swedish army at a rapid rate towards the famous field of Lützen. Wallenstein's position was precarious and a less resolute spirit would doubtless have faltered. But he determined, being apprised of the advance of the Swedes, to make a stand with the troops at hand until he could gather his scattered army. Orders were sent to all corps to march with speed to Lützen and couriers were dispatched to bring Pappenheim back. That fortune favors the brave proved true upon this occasion. The Swedes in their march toward Lützen were hampered by miry roads and delayed in crossing the Ripach, a small stream with high clayey banks. Detachments of Croats and cuirassiers had been hastily sent forward to dispute the passage of the stream and while the Swedes routed them with heavy loss, the fighting meant delay and every hour was of importance and the time thus gained was made good use of. The plain of Lützen is a great level stretch without even a bush. But the roads were separated from the fields by ditches, and these ditches were turned to good advantage. They were deepened and as the various corps arrived during the night, they were posted behind the road leading from Weissenfels to Leipsic with the village of Lützen on the right, and the left without cover of any kind. Two hundred yards behind the road the main body of the army was formed. The garden walls around Lützen were loopholed and lined with troops armed with muskets. The number of troops gathered here during the night is uncertain, but from the plan drawn by Wallenstein the number is estimated by Forster and others at 26,000 or 28,000. Pappenheim and his troops had joined Wallenstein before daybreak, and when morning dawned the troops were in battle array and waiting the arrival of the enemy. The morning of September saw the plain of Lützen deeply enveloped in a mist so dense that the Swedish army advanced to within a thou-sand yards of the occupied road before either army could perceive the other. Here a halt was made and while waiting for the fog to clear, the King employed his time by riding along his lines and addressing words of encouragement to his troops. It was half past eleven o'clock before the sun broke through the mist. Lützen was seen to be in flames ,and firing here and there told that the contending armies were at some points already beginning the battle. Gustavus now ordered the advance, and although the forward rush is met by a terrific fire from the trenches, both of musketry and artillery, the charge sweeps forward over the trenches and in an instant the two armies come together with a crash. Wallenstein's right and center give way before the terrific onslaught, but the left succeeds in checking the division under the Duke of Weimar, from behind the loopholed garden walls. While Gustavus hastened with aid in this direction, Wallenstein rallied his shattered corps and fiercely fell upon the Swedish center. They were forced back across the road and Wallenstein recaptured his lost battery. But again the progress of the imperialists was arrested, and they were swept back before the resistless mass of Swedes. Gustavus at this period looked upon the battle as already won and rode forward with a few attendants to determine how best to follow up his advantage. Here the King received a musket shot in the arm, and growing faint, was being led out of the battle when another shot struck him in the back. He fell from his horse, and as the enemy pushed forward his attendants fled with the exception of Lubeling, a page, who attempted to help the King to remount. A party of imperialists surrounded them, and as the Swedes were now advancing, the imperialists dispatched Gustavus and mortally wounded the faithful page. The battle continued unabated. Backward and forward across the road again, the imperialist batteries were alternately employed in dealing death to which army held possession. Pappenheim fell at the head of his cavalry, the imperialists forces became more and more scattered and thinned and Wallenstein was at last forced to withdraw from the disputed field. When darkness came he retreated to Leipsic with the remnant of his troops. What the losses were is nowhere definitely recorded, but 9,000 are said. to have been slain in both armies, and three times that number wounded. Wallen-stein had no alternative but to retreat, and led his shattered troops into Bohemia, and placed them in winter quarters, while the Swedes proceeded to Weissenfels and accepted the Duke of Weimar as their leader. Despite the fact that the imperialist army had been almost annihilated and had been compelled to seek safety in flight, the battle was regarded by Ferdinand as a victory owing to the death of the King of Sweden and a Te Deum was sung in all Catholic countries. Having settled his army in winter quarters, Wallenstein set about rewarding the deserving and punishing those who had failed to do their duty. He had twelve of his officers beheaded at Prague on February 4, 1633. These punishments took place three months after the battle of Lützen and there were those who asserted that Wallenstein here attempted to wash out the disgrace of his defeat with the blood of innocent men, though Forster and Mitchell the latter, himself an army officer and a follower of Forster in the defense of Wallenstein maintain that the punishments were justly deserved. During the winter months "the creator of mighty armies" recruited and reorganized another powerful army so that on May 5, 1633, he left Prague with 40,000 men to begin what proved to be his last campaign. He proceeded to Silesia, which had been conquered by the Saxons during the Lützen campaign. Among the many other charges against him is one that he here attempted to make peace with the Saxons in order to advance a design which he was reported to have on the throne of Bohemia. He certainly displayed at this period a suspicious inactivity and while it is certain that he entered into negotiations looking toward peace not only with the Saxons but also with Brandenburg, Sweden, and France, his true object is not made clear. France having heard the report that Wallenstein was intriguing against the House of Austria, made overtures to place him upon the throne of Bohemia and pay him a subsidy, providing he would turn against Ferdinand. The well-known jealousy which existed against Wallenstein at Vienna tended to confirm those with whom he was negotiating in the belief that he was sincere, although it had already been asserted that the negotiations amounted to nothing more than a ruse. Whatever the true object may have been, the summer and much of the fall passed in armistices and Wallenstein seems to have accomplished nothing by it. It was not until October that operations of a hostile nature were made. He then surrounded a Swedish column of 5,000 men under Count Thurn at Steinau on the Oder, and compelled them to capitulate. This victory was rapidly followed up by the reduction of Glogau, Liegnitz, Goldberg, and Krossen. Having cleared Silesia of the enemy, Wallenstein, at the solicitation of Maximilian, started for Bavaria in order to save it from the Duke of Weimar, who on October 24th had reduced the last of its strongholds by capturing Ratisbon. During this march he had an interview at the town of Pilsen with Count Trauttmansdorff, the imperial minister, who happened to be in the vicinity. During this inter-view, according to the report made by the Count to Ferdinand, Wallenstein was considerably excited, owing to information received in letters from Vienna that high functionaries of state there spoke of him in the most injurious terms, and attributed to him the most sinister purposes. He also complained that orders had come to some of his generals from Vienna without his knowledge, and finally spoke strongly in favor of concluding peace. In the Emperor's reply to this report, he denies having any knowledge of evil discourses against Wallenstein and desires the names of the authors in order to call them to account. This was but two months before the tragedy at Eger. In December Wallenstein learned that the Emperor had determined to deprive him of his command. He determined to resign before this intention was put into execution and called his officers together and informed them of his purpose. The officers pressed him to reconsider and to remain at their head. In return, he demanded from them a promise that they would pledge themselves to adhere to him. As a consequence, soon afterward, a banquet was given by Count Illo at which forty-two officers signed a paper pledging themselves to "adhere to Wallenstein to the last drop of blood, so long as he should continue to command the army, in the service, and for the good of the Emperor." The following day he called them together and informed them that nothing was intended against the Emperor or the Catholic religion by the compact which they had formed. In the meantime his enemies were rapidly spinning the web of treachery against him. The Emperor was continually receiving reports of alleged intrigues and on January 24th an order was issued by Ferdinand depriving him of his command. The same document granted amnesty to those who had signed the compact at Pilsen and concluded by declaring Wallenstein an outlaw and ordering him to be taken dead or alive. The command of the army was divided between Gallas and Arlinger, but the whole matter was kept secret for the time being. On February 13th Gallas made the order known to a number of the officers under him and furnished at the same time a list of "heretics" among the officers, whose property was to be confiscated. On that very day the Emperor was still dissembling with Wallenstein, for he wrote him a letter commending Bohemia to his care and protection. It is clear that murder was intended and only the opportunity wanting. On February 20th Wallenstein once more called his officers together and this time signed with them a pledge of entire devotion to the Emperor and readiness to shed every drop of blood in his service. Two days later, having become convinced of the Emperor's intentions, Wallenstein, accompanied by a few trusty officers Illo, Terzky, Kinsky, Butler, and Neumann and seven companies of infantry and 200 dragoons fled from Pilsen. He was suffering from the gout and was carried in a sedan chair between two horses. On the evening of the day following they arrived at Eger. the last Bohemian fortress on the road leading into the Palatinate. Colonel Gordon was in charge of the post. Butler showed to Gordon and Major Leslie the Emperor's proclamation, of which, up to that time, they knew nothing. It is evident that Butler had direct instructions to murder and authority to reward those who should aid him in the crime. In no other way can the prompt readiness of those whom he called upon to assist him be accounted for. He took first Gordon and Leslie into the conspiracy, and after they had sworn to stand by him, seven other officers were brought into the ring. They were Geraldine, Devereux, Brown, Macdonald, Birch, Pestaluzi, and Lerda. The two last named were Spaniards; Gordon, Leslie, and Butler were Scotch, and the others were Irish. It was decided first to kill the four trusty friends of Wallenstein, Illo, Terzky, Kinsky, and Neumann, and to this end they were invited to sup with Gordon in the citadel on the following evening. At the conclusion of the meal: upon a given signal, the conspirators fell upon the unsuspecting victims and brutally murdered them. Wallenstein had taken up quarters at the house of the Mayor in the town. At midnight (February 25, 1634) Devereux, who had been chosen to commit the murder, proceeded with half a dozen troopers to his chief's quarters. Wallenstein was in the act of retiring when the assassins burst into his apartment. "Thou must die," exclaimed Devereux and immediately plunged his blade into his breast. "Thus fell," says Gualdo, "one of the greatest commanders, most generous princes and most enlightened ministers of his own or of any preceding time." Wallenstein's body was rolled in a carpet and carried to the citadel and placed with the other victims. By the Emperor's orders the body was afterward given over to friends, who deposited the remains in the vault of a Carthusian convent which Wallenstein had himself built near Gitschin. When the Swedes penetrated to that section in 1639 General Banner had the coffin opened and removed the skull and right arm, which he sent to Stockholm. The slayer of Wallenstein was rewarded with a gold chain and several confiscated domains. The Emperor shook hands with Butler and caused the Archbishop of Vienna to place a golden chain about his neck. He was also made a Count and presented with the estate of Terzky in Bohemia. All the others were also handsomely rewarded, even to the common soldiers who had aided in the assassination. Wallenstein, it seems, remained a firm believer in astrology to the very last, for it is related that only a few minutes before he was slain, he had consulted an Italian astrologer named Seni, who declared that the stars still boded impending danger.