The German Ultimatum

( Originally Published 1915 )

WHEN, towards the end of July, 1914, gloomy clouds, which grew more and more threatening, began to pile themselves up on the political horizon of Europe, Belgium became alarmed, and her uneasiness increased from hour to hour.

Germany, however, down to the very eve of hostilities, endeavoured to conceal her intentions.

On the 1st of August, war being imminent, M. Klobukowski, the French Minister in Brussels, officially declared to M. Davignon, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, that France would respect the neutrality of Belgium.

Informed of this declaration by M. Davignon, Herr von Below-Saleske, the German Minister to Belgium, replied that he had not been instructed to make a similar declaration to the Belgian Government, but that the latter was aware of " his personal opinion as to the security with which Belgium was justified in regarding her Eastern neighbours."

Moreover, on the preceding day Baron van der Elst, the Secretary-General to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, had had a long conversation with Herr von Below, and had reminded him of the remarks made by Herr Bethmann-Hollweg in 1911, and the public declarations made by Herr von Jagow in 1913. Von Below not only admitted the accuracy of these statements, but added that he was " certain that the sentiments then ex-pressed had not been modified."

Again, on the 1st of August the Military Attaché to the German Legation spontaneously congratulated the departmental head of the Ministry of War upon the rapid and remarkable progress of our mobilisation. For we had, as a special precaution, just mobilised our army, as Holland had done, for that matter.

On the 2nd of August, between 10 and 11 o'clock in the morning, this same attaché telephoned to the office of the XX e Siècle (a Catholic newspaper, published in Brussels, which had Governmental tendencies), when the substance of his message was as follows :

" Your newspaper announces this morning that war has been declared between Germany and Russia. This is quite untrue : there is no war. This news is certainly issued by interested persons. I beg you, therefore, to be so good as to contradict it, in the largest possible type, in your next edition."

Stupefied, those members of the staff who were present asked one another whether they were not dealing with a practical joker, and for a moment they were inclined to decide to ignore this communication. But reflecting upon the grave responsibility of suppressing such a contradiction, supposing it should have any foundation, they decided to telephone to the German Legation for confirmation of the message.

At this moment they received, from a reliable source, the news that the German troops as had been rumoured in the city all the morning had violated the Luxemburg frontier and had entered the Grand Duchy: yet another reason, to their thinking, for questioning the statement of the German Attaché. M. Passelecq, 2 who had received the first communication (and from whom I have received these details), then called up the attaché on the telephone, gave his name, and reminded the former of his recent communication, complaining that it was difficult to believe it, and that it was, moreover, ambiguous. " The telegrams reporting the declaration of war have been very explicit," he said. "And what precisely do you mean to say? That the declaration of war does not emanate from Germany? That war has broken out without a preliminary declaration? Or that there is no war at all? "

" I repeat," replied the Military Attaché, speaking with energy and emphasis, " that there is no war, that Germany is not at war, that the report of war is false, issued by interested persons who wish to embroil Germany with her neighbours, and I beg you once again to deny the statement in the largest possible type."

" But, M. le capitaine!" replied M. Passelecq, " we have this moment received, from the most reliable source, that your troops have already invaded the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg and have seized its railways ! "

" Ah ! I know nothing about that. I do not believe it. Wait a moment; I will inquire here. "

Silence; the attaché, it seemed, had gone away; then, very shortly, he continued:

" Well, it is as I told you : there is beside me someone who has just come from Germany and who confirms our statement that there is no war. As for Luxemburg, nothing is known about that here; but everything leads us to believe that there is no more truth in that news than in the other, and that both re-ports have the same origin. Besides, the attitude of Germany toward Luxemburg is not the same as her attitude toward Belglum. . . . "

" Then," concluded M. Passelecq, " can we say that this double contradiction comes from you, the German Military Attaché? "

" Certainly!"

There was no longer room for hesitation; information of such importance must of necessity be published. However, the editor of the newspaper, M. Neuray, who arrived shortly afterwards, wanted to judge for himself of the rights of the matter, so he, too, called up the German Attaché. The reply was: " No, no war; the invasion of the Grand Duchy is most improbable; please deny reports!"

This time the German officer expatiated upon the different situation of the Grand Duchy and of Belgium, stating that the Belgians must not be uneasy; that the railways of the Grand Duchy were German; that Germany might, therefore, have to make herself secure in that direction; that it was not the same in Belgium; and he ended by confirming his authorisation to support the denial by the mention of his official quality.

The XX e Siècle, therefore, inserted a brief report of this communication in the special edition which was then in preparation, and which issued from the press about 2.00 or 3.00 p.m.

Almost at the same moment the Soir appeared. This gave a report, in a prominent position, of an interview which a member of its staff had had that morning with the German Minister himself. The latter had given the Belgian journalist the most definite assurance as to the eventual attitude of Germany toward Belgium, and he concluded with the words : " We have never dreamed of violating your neutrality. You may perhaps see your neighbour's house on fire, but your own home will be untouched."

These reassuring declarations assuaged the prevailing anxiety.

Now at 7:00 p.m. Herr von Below handed to M. Davignon, in the name of the, Imperial German Government, an insulting ultimatum, and he demanded a reply within twelve hours--within the space of a night!'

What a night it was M. Hymans, the Minister of State, has told us. What a night what a tragic night ! How could it ever be forgotten?

" The Ministers with portfolios and the Ministers of State met in the Palace (5), the King presiding.

" We deliberated.

" There were two solutions : one, to grant passage to the German armies marching upon France, and to obtain heavy indemnities for the loss and injury suffered. . . . This would be to tear up the statute of the Belgian nation, to violate, of our own accord, the neutrality decreed by Europe and accepted by Belgium; to betray the obligations which this neutrality imposes upon us.

" The other solution was to risk war and invasion; to affront the most formidable military Power in the world; but honour would be saved, the Belgian Statute maintained, and the treaties respected.

" There was hardly any discussion. The decision forced it-self upon us. It was formed immediately: we should protest, and we should resist.

" The reply was drafted in the Department of Foreign Affairs. It was taken to the Palace, and approved unanimously by the King and Council."

It had been necessary to translate the ultimatum, the original text being in German. On the other hand, the Minister of the Interior, M. Berryer, who had lately gone to Liége, there to confer with the Military Governor and various civil officials, could not rejoin his colleagues until an advanced hour of the night, so that the day was beginning to dawn when the Ministers took leave of the King. Great clouds were gliding across the sky. " It is a gloomy day, indeed, that is dawning! " said the King, who had approached a window. " Yet," he added, after a moment's pause, " it has begun as though it was to be brilliant! "

While this meeting was being held in the Palace, the German Minister, about half-past one in the morning, visited the Secretary-General for Foreign Affairs. He stated that he was instructed by his Government to inform the Belgian Government that French dirigibles had thrown bombs, and that a French cavalry patrol had crossed the frontier, thereby violating the law of nations, as war had not been declared.

Baron van der Eist inquired of Herr von Below where these incidents had occurred " In Germany."

" In that case l do not understand the object of your communication."

Herr von Below replied, in substance, that these actions, being contrary to the law of nations, were of a nature to lead one to suppose that France would not hesitate to infringe international conventions in other ways. . . .

At seven o'clock in the morning the Belgian reply to the German proposition was handed to Herr von Below.

I will confine myself to transcribing this reply, which reproduces the essential terms of the German ultimatum,1 and will therefore make my narrative sufficiently clear:

In its note of the 2nd of August, 1914, the German Government has stated that, according to reliable information, the French forces are said to intend marching upon the Meuse by way of Givet and Namur, and that Belgium, despite her best intentions, would not be in a position to repulse an advance of the French troops without assistance.

The German Government would hold itself obliged to forestall this attack, and to violate Belgian territory. Under these conditions Germany proposes to assume a friendly attitude toward the Government of the King, and engages itself, upon the conclusion of peace, to guarantee the integrity of the kingdom and of the whole extent of its possessions. The note adds that if Belgium places obstacles in the way of the advance of the German troops, Germany will be forced to regard her as an enemy and to leave the eventual settlement between the two States to the decision of arms.

This note has profoundly and painfully astonished the King's Government.

The intentions which it attributes to France are contrary to the precise declarations which were made to us on the 1st of August in the name of the Government of the Republic.

Moreover, if, contrary to our expectation, a violation of Belgian neutrality should be committed by France, Belgium would fulfil all her international obligations, and her army would oppose the invader by the most vigorous resistance.

The Treaties of 1839, confirmed by the Treaties of 187o, ratify the independence of Belgium under the guarantee of the Powers, and notably of the Government of His Majesty the King of Prussia.

Belgium has always been faithful to her international obligations; she has neglected no effort to maintain her neutrality or to cause it to be respected.

The attack upon her independence with which the German Government threatens her would constitute a flagrant violation of the law of nations. No strategic interest justifies the violation of justice. The Belgian Government, by accepting the proposals which have been put before it, would sacrifice the honour of the nation, while at the same time it would betray its obligations to Europe.

Conscious of the part which Belgium has played for more than eighty years in the civilisation of the world, it refuses to believe that the independence of Belgium can be preserved only at the cost of a violation of her neutrality.

If this hope should be betrayed, the Belgian Government is firmly determined to repulse by all means in its power every attack upon its authority.

During the morning of the 3rd of August there was a meeting of the members of the Government, when they discussed, in particular, the expediency of an appeal to the Powers which, with Prussia, had guaranteed our independence and neutrality.

But as our territory had not as yet been invaded, it was decided that this appeal would be premature.

On the same day the King of the Belgians despatched the following appealing telegram to the King of England :

Recalling to my mind the numerous marks of friendship vouchsafed by your Majesty and his predecessors, of the friendly attitude of England in 187o, and of the proof of sympathy which she now again gives us, I make a supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of your Majesty's Government to safeguard the neutrality of Belgium. ALBERT.

But it was too late. Diplomatically, England could do no more; Germany wanted war, that war for which she had so long been preparing.

Early on the 4th of August Baron Beyens had an interview with Herr von Jagow, which he reported to M. Davignon in the following terms:

" ' Well ! what have you to say to me?' These were his first words, as he came forward with alacrity to meet me.

" ' I have to ask you for an explanation in respect of the ultimatum which the German Minister presented to my Government on Sunday evening. I suppose you have something to add to it, some reason to give, to explain such an action.'

" ' An absolute necessity has compelled us to make this demand of you. The Emperor and his Government are intensely grieved that they have been forced to resign themselves to it. As for me, it is most painful, the cruellest decision I have ever had to form in all my career. But the passage through Belgium is for Germany a matter of life or death. Germany must destroy France as quickly as possible, crush her completely, so that she can then turn back to Russia, or she herself will be caught between the hammer and the anvil. We have learned that the French Army was preparing to pass through Belgium and attack us upon our flank. We must forestall her.'

" 'But,' I replied, ' you are in direct contact with France along a frontier of 125 miles. Why, in order to settle your quarrel, do you need to go a roundabout way through our country?'

" ' The French frontier is too strongly fortified, and we are obliged, I repeat, to act as quickly as possible, before Russia can have time to mobilise her army.'

" 'Contrary to what you imagine, France has explicitly promised us to respect our neutrality, provided you yourselves respect it. What would you have said if, instead of spontaneously making us this promise, she had made the same demand of us before you, if she had demanded passage through our country, and if we had yielded to her threats? That we were cowards, incapable of defending our neutrality, and unworthy of independent existence?'

" Herr von Jagow made no reply to this question.

" 'Have you,' I continued, 'any cause to reproach us? Have we not always fulfilled the obligations which the neutrality of Belgium has imposed upon us correctly and scrupulously toward Germany, as toward the other guarantor Powers? Have we not been loyal and reliable neighbours to you since the foundation of our kingdom?'

" 'Germany has no complaint to make of Belgium; her attitude has always been extremely correct.'

" ` Then in recognition of our loyalty you wish to make our country the battlefield of your struggle with France, the battlefield of Europe, and we know what devastation and ruin a mod-ern war involves! Have you thought of that?'

` If the Belgian Army,' replied the Secretary of State, ` al-lows us to pass freely, without destroying the railways, without blowing up the bridges and the tunnels, and falls back upon Antwerp without attempting to defend Liége, we promise not only to respect the independence of Belgium and the life and property of the inhabitants, but also to indemnify you for the losses you will have suffered.'

" ` Sir,' I replied, ` the Belgian Government, conscious of its obligations toward all the guarantors of its neutrality, could only meet such a proposal by the reply which it has unhesitatingly made. The entire nation will approve of the action of its King and Government. You must yourself recognise that any other reply was impossible.'

" As I pressed him to speak, Herr von Jagow, as a result of my insistence, eventually said:

" I do recognise it. I understand your reply; I understand it as a private individual, but as Secretary of State I have no opinion to express.'

" Then he again expressed his concern that matters should have reached such a stage after so many years of amicable relations. But a rapid march through Belgium was for Germany a matter of life and death. We in our turn ought to understand this. I replied immediately:

"' Belgium would have lost her honour if she had listened to you, and a nation cannot live without honour, any more than a private person can do so. Europe will judge us. However,' I added, you will not take Liége as easily as you think, and you will have to face England, the faithful guarantor of our neutrality.'

" At these words Herr von Jagow shrugged his shoulders. This movement might be interpreted in two fashions. It might have meant: ` What an idea! . Impossible! ' or else : ` The die is cast; we cannot draw back!'

" I said once more, before withdrawing, that I was ready to leave Berlin with my staff and to ask for my passports.

" ' But I do not wish to break off our relations like this! ' cried the Secretary of State. ' We may still perhaps have something to discuss.'

"'It is for my Government to decide upon that point,' I replied. ` It does not rest with you or with me. I shall await its orders to demand my passports.'

" On leaving Herr von Jagow after this painful interview, which was to be our last, I came away with the impression that he had expected something different when I had asked to see him; some unexpected proposition, perhaps a request that the Belgian Army should be allowed to retire in safety upon Antwerp, when it had made a show of resistance upon the Meuse, and had, as a matter of form, defended the principle of neutrality and the entrance to Belgium. My interlocutor's face, it seemed to me, betrayed disappointment after my first few words, and his insistence in asking me not to break off our relations just yet fortified the idea which occurred to me at the beginning of our conversation.'

The Belgian people approved unreservedly of the proud and dignified reply which its rulers had made to the German proposals.

Immediately and unanimously it felt that it represented justice, that its mission was a holy one, and that it could not fail to accomplish it.

So, on the morning of the 4th of August, when the King, in campaigning kit, visited Parliament, where all the representatives of the nation were awaiting him, there were frantic acclamations all along his route (a).

Never had our handsome monarch appeared to greater advantage. On horseback, riding with a firm seat, he towered above the crowd, giving it the military salute, identifying him-self, by that martial gesture, with the feelings of all. And it was our sole voice, the voice of an entire people, which rose, vibrating, in a single impulse of patriotism, hailing him who, in that solemn moment, symbolised it with unexampled majesty.

In Parliament the session was unforgettable. The great white hall had been arranged and decorated with great restraint, the effect being at once simple and impressive. In the place of the desk the royal throne had been installed a large gilt armchair, upholstered in red velvet, on the back of which is embroidered, in letters of gold, the national motto : L' Union fait la Force. Above the throne was an escutcheon with the national coat of arms, surrounded by the folds of the Belgian flag black, yellow, and red and the colonial flag blue with golden stars.

On either side of the steps leading to the throne was a Belgian flag.

The President and his assessors sat at the table which is generally used by the reporters.

An extraordinary animation prevailed in the semi-circle of benches; the tribunes were overflowing.

At ten o'clock the Queen arrived, accompanied by the little Princes.

Greeted by an enthusiastic acclamation, she took her place in an armchair to the right of the throne; her children were beside her. Then the King entered, and the cheering broke out again, prolonged and vibrating.

But the President rapped with his mallet. Silence ensued, and the King, standing upright before the throne, deeply moved, delivered this speech:

GENTLEMEN:

Never, since 1830, has a more solemn hour struck for Belgium: the integrity of our territory is threatened.

The very force of our righteous cause, the sympathy which Belgium, proud of her free institutions and her moral victories, has always received from other nations, and the necessity of our autonomous existence in respect of the equilibrium of Europe, make us still hopeful that the dreaded emergency will not be realised.

But if our hopes are betrayed, if we are forced to resist the invasion of our soil, and to defend our threatened homes, this duty, however hard it may be, will find us armed and resolved upon the greatest sacrifices.

Even now, in readiness for any eventuality, our vailiant youth is up in arms, firmly resolved, with the traditional tenacity and composure of the Belgians, to defend our threatened country.

In the name of the nation, I give it a brotherly greeting. Everywhere in Flanders and Wallonia, in the towns and in the countryside, one single feeling binds all hearts together: the sense of patriotism. One single vision fills all minds: that of our independence endangered. One single duty imposes itself upon our wills: the duty of stubborn resistance.

In these solemn circumstances two virtues are indispensable: a calm but unshaken courage, and the close union of all Belgians.

Both virtues have already asserted themselves, in a brilliant fashion, before the eyes of a nation full of enthusiasm.

The irreproachable mobilisation of our army, the multitude of voluntary enlistments, the devotion of the civil population, the abnegation of our soldiers' families, have revealed in an unquestionable manner the re-assuring courage which inspires the Belgian people.

It is the moment for action.

I have called you together, gentlemen, in order to enable the Legislative Chambers to associate themselves with the impulse of the people in one and the same sentiment of sacrifice.

You will understand, gentlemen, how to take all those immediate measures which the situation requires, in respect both of the war and of public order.

No one in this country will fail in his duty.

If the foreigner, in defiance of that neutrality whose demands we have always scrupulously observed, violates our territory, he will find all the Belgians gathered about their sovereign, who will never betray his constitutional oath, and their Government, invested with the absolute confidence of the entire nation. _

I have faith in our destinies; a country which is defending itself conquers the respect of all; such a country does not perish!

This speech, need we say, was frequently interrupted by the cheers of the whole Assembly, and the peroration was greeted by a stirring acclamation, such as had never before been heard within those walls.

After the King had withdrawn with the Queen and the Princes, Baron de Broqueville, President of the Council and Minister of War, acquainted the Chambers with the events which had occurred during the last few days. He also read a Note which the German Minister had forwarded at six o'clock that very morning to the Belgian Government, in which Germany declared her determination to cross our territory by force of arms.

This was war!

" We shall defend ourselves," said M. de Broqueville finally, " and even if we are defeated we shall never be conquered."

Various legislative proposals, inspired by the circumstances, were adopted immediately without debate.

In particular the Chamber voted unanimously a credit of 200 million francs with which to meet the first expenses. Then about eleven o'clock, the President of the Council, with tears in his eyes, announced that the national territory had just been invaded. He further announced, amid indescribable enthusiasm, that " the King, wishing to recognise the patriotic assistance which the Opposition had afforded the Government, had decided to appoint M. Emile Vandervelde Minister of State."

This historic session was terminated shortly before noon.

A few hours later words were spoken in Berlin which had less nobility than those which had rung through the Belgian Parliament.

The Chancellor of the Empire, in short, made the following declaration from the tribune of the Reichstag:

Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and it may be (sic) that they have already entered Belgium. This is contrary to the prescriptions of international law. France, it is true, assured Brussels that she was determined to respect the neutrality of Belgium as long as her adversary did so. But we knew that France was holding herself in readiness to invade Belgium. In this way we have been forced to override the justified protests of the Belgian and Luxemburg Governments.

We shall repair the injustice which we are committing as soon as our military object is attained.

That same afternoon the British Ambassador in Berlin, Sir Edward Goschen, had an interview with Herr von Jagow, which he reported to Sir Edward Grey in the following terms :

" In conformity with the instructions contained in your telegram of the 4th of August, I went to see the Secretary of State in the afternoon, and in the name of His Majesty's Government I inquired whether the Imperial Government would refrain from violating Belgian neutrality. Herr von Jagow immediately replied that he regretted to say that his reply must be ' No '; that the German troops had crossed the frontier this morning (4), and that the neutrality of Belgium had already been violated. Herr von Jagow then spoke once more of the reasons why the. Imperial Government had been obliged to take this measure; he said in particular that the Germans were obliged to enter France by the quickest and easiest route, so that they could hasten their operations and endeavour to strike a decisive blow as quickly as possible. This was for them a question of life or death, for if they had followed a path further to the south they could not have hoped, owing to the scarcity of roads and the strength of the fortresses, to penetrate into France without encountering a formidable opposition, which would have resulted in a great loss of time. This loss of time on the German side would have been time gained by the Russians, who would be marching their troops upon the German frontier. Rapidity of action was Germany's strength, while Russia's consisted in an inexhaustible reserve of troops.

" I pointed out to Herr von Jagow that the fait accompli of the violation of the Belgian frontier rendered the situation extremely serious, and I asked him if it was not still possible to turn back and avoid the consequences, which we should both have reason to deplore. He replied that for the reasons already given it was not possible for Germany to retrace her steps."

After this interview Sir Edward Goschen had another inter-view with the Chancellor of the Empire himself.

He found that " the Chancellor was greatly agitated." " His Excellency began a harangue which lasted about twenty minutes. He said the step taken by His Majesty's Government (the British Government) was terrible to a degree: just for a word—' neutrality '—a word which in war-time had so often been disregarded just for a scrap of paper,' Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation."

There was no longer a question of a French attack by way of the Meuse.' Throwing off the mask, Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg cynically declared, as Herr von jagow had done, that Germany was thinking only of her own interest, and that she would follow the plan of campaign worked out by her General Staff without troubling herself about treaties!

On the 4th of August M. Davignon telegraphed to Baron Beyens advising him to apply for his passports. He also begged Spain to watch over Belgian interests in Germany, to which the Spanish Government immediately agreed.

On the 5th of August the Dutch Government notified the Belgian Government that it was establishing a system of " war sea-marks " in the estuary of the Scheldt, so contrived that it would still be possible to navigate the river in order to make Antwerp or to sail from it, but only during the day and with the aid of Dutch pilots provided with the necessary data.

Navigation upon the Scheldt was, of course, forbidden, not only to warships, but also to vessels carrying troops, munitions of war, or any kind of contraband of war.

On the same date M. Davignon wrote as follows to all the diplomatic representatives of Belgium:

" By the Treaty of the 18th of April, 1839, Prussia, France, Great Britain, Austria, and Russia declared themselves guarantors of the treaty concluded the same day between His Majesty the King of the Belgians and His Majesty the King of the Netherlands. This treaty states: ` Belgium will form an in-dependent and perpetually neutral State.'

" Belgium has fulfilled all her international obligations, she has accomplished her duty in a spirit of loyal impartiality, and has neglected no effort to maintain her neutrality and cause it to be respected.

" Thus it is with a painful emotion that the King's Government has learned that the armed forces of Germany, a Power guaranteeing our neutrality, have penetrated Belgian territory in violation of the engagements which she has entered into by treaty.

" It is our duty to protest with indignation against an infringement of the law of nations which no action of ours could have provoked. His Majesty's Government is firmly deter-mined to repulse by all the means in its power the attack made upon its neutrality, and recalls the fact that by virtue of Article 10 of The Hague Convention of 1907, concerning the rights and obligations of neutral Powers and persons in case of war on land, the fact that a neutral Power resists, even by force, the attacks made upon its neutrality, cannot be regarded as a hostile action.

" You will please immediately request an audience with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and will read to His Excellency the present letter, a copy of which you will leave with him.

" If the audience cannot be immediately granted, you will make the communication in question in writing."

It was not until after the German troops had invaded her territory and about forty hours after the presentation of the ultimatum-that Belgium requested Great Britain, France, and Russia, co-signatories with Prussia and Austria-Hungary of the Treaties of 1831 and 1839, to aid her in her resistance. Moreover, she declared that she herself was prepared to undertake the defence of her fortresses.