Paths To Power - Power For Nation-building

( Originally Published 1905 )

"Thy kingdom come." Matt. x. 6.

THE solemn and magnificent ceremony to which loyal Englishmen have looked forward for so long has been performed. Edward VII. has been memorially crowned. The gray walls of your historic abbey have quivered with the significant harmonies of majestic anthem and pious chant, and where the dead lie in sculptured urn or beneath em-blazoned monument, the ever fresh and vital music to which generations have listened has risen with the incense of prayer and adoration to the All-Merciful and Omnipotent King of kings. The poignant delay in carrying out the purpose now consummated in this regal pageant has served to brighten the page of history upon which its record has been made. From the whole civilized world prayers quick with sympathy have been ascending to the throne of heaven. All ordered nations have been pleading that the symbol of authority on England's throne might be safely replaced in the hands of your king and queen. A thousand years of your history have made the youngest government reverential in the presence of this high investiture.

That growing belief in the proposition that all liberty is the child of law, and that all social progress depends upon order, has moved every nation under the sun to unite with the people of Great Britain in asking from heaven an occasion and event of coronation such as yesterday filled the world's heart with grateful joy. Still more have we all learned, as from that day of expectancy and disappointment in June we who are not Englishmen solemnly and prayerfully came with you to the gladness of yesterday, what God seems to have said to one of the proudest of peoples, that even they must pause to remember the insecurity and transitoriness of earthly things. Dull is he, whatever his nationality and standard, who has not known, in these days of humble petition and larger vision, the joy of reliance on the permanence and strength of Jehovah's throne. Already the mighty function with all its color and music, its historic symbolism and its ample pomp, has begun to vanish away; and it would be singularly inappropriate and wasteful of the opportunities and gifts which come to us by way of this occasion, if, providentially met together as we are, we should not pass in review before us the fundamental and imperishable principles upon which our Anglo-Saxon enterprise of civilization began its career, and upon which, under God, it may be able to endure and succeed.

The prayer which Jesus Christ taught his followers, "Thy Kingdom come," is indeed filled with the vision which concerns itself with the statesmanlike policies of mankind. His whole career upon the earth, and His special influence amongst men toward the creation of a new state worthy of God's investment in humanity and fundamental to man's highest hope, were harmonious with the principle we repeat when we agree that the Kingdom of God is the true republic of humanity; the government of God in the universe is in conception and in practice the type and inspiration, the pattern and guide, for the government of humanity. When Rome was dissolving like a brilliant but outworn dream, the sea-tossed John on the island of Patmos discovered the method of human progress. He saw the City of God coming down out of heaven from God, and becoming the practical and commanding affair of earth. All Christian prophets of civilization have held to the reality of certain ideas and principles whose imperial sway is predestined not only in the plan of God, but also in the very structure of man. Humanity has been the recreation of Jesus of Nazareth, for without Him there is no conceivable unity in the race of man. And this Humanity has within itself potencies and prophecies which stir and create the art of nation-building. They demand a statecraft which recognizes and reverences the evolution of what God has involved in the human soul. All politics failing to recognize the certainty that man under God will fulfill or complete himself, according to the revelation of manhood at its best in Jesus Christ, are impolitics. That there must be an advancing process of evolution of liberty and law, of order and self-government, issuing at length in the Kingdom of God in the life of man on earth, is the first presumption of true politics. All revolution is delayed evolution. The principles announced in the Christian programme, when happily and devoutly obeyed, are the safeguards and guides of this process by which man comes to the full stature of himself. If Anglo-Saxon enterprises in the direction of civilization have taught us anything, it is this: that statesmanship is the art of divining God's purpose and of getting things trade, commerce, institutions, and traditions either out of God's way or, better far, into the all moving chariot of His resolve, that they may not be crushed beneath the advancing wheels, but, rather, carried forward to endless benefit. Now God's ways for man, His insistent and irrepressible working plans, are disclosed in Christ Himself and in the movement called Christianity. Principles upon which man is to advance are not more the revelation of God's vision of humanity than they are of man's vision of God. It seems to me that those which we need most to rely upon, in these days when, of all nations, England and America surely must confess the Divine Commandment which shines forth in our opportunity, are the five which I shall here discuss with you. When they come to be loyally accepted and enthusiastically wrought into our very life, then, and then only, will there be such an alliance of hopes and energies as will have behind our life, as resource and defense, the Great White Throne itself. And then, indeed, shall there be an all-fulfilling answer in the fulfilling, not merely of Anglo-Saxon, but of human destiny in the prayer, "Thy Kingdom come."

I. Our true destiny will be unfolded, as it, at the first, found its promise and development in a true conception of aristocracy. Before the Nazarene peas-ant had begun His public work, the air was surcharged with forces of the dawn. A new statesmanship fearlessly assailed ancient and meaningless tradition. John the Baptist appeared to his age as a fiery iconoclast; but the preacher of the desert was a reformer upon truly constructive lines. The nobility of the movement inaugurated was evident in its prophetic opening of the doorway for the most positive force which the politics of the world has ever known, Jesus Christ. John was a man in whose veins flowed the blood of a most ancient and approved aristocracy. But John realized the fundamentalness and the lofty reach of another and deeper idea of aristocracy which sends light into the entire problem of man's advancement. He never was more true to the great past than when this fresh idea irradiated the mightier future. Some one had resisted the current of unapprehended truth as it flowed through his soul and toward other souls, by calling up from the past the great figure of Abraham. Some one thought to silence him of the present, with a ghost from the past. It was a mighty shade evoked from the sepulchre; and there is nothing that will stop the intellectual machinery of the ordinary man so instantly and so certainly as a great ghost. The wiseacres who stood about him, breathing uneasily, were sure that this imperious presence would turn the current of his fiery eloquence which was rapidly burning down many of their revered positions. But he said to them, "God out of these stones can raise up children unto Abraham." That is what aristocracy is, and that is what aristocracy in all the world is worth.

It would have been easy for John to have blown away most of the aristocracies which men have conceived or allowed for aristocracy itself is an evolution, and its growth obeys all the laws of evolution. The first aristocracy was protoplasmic, but very coarse, and at length there emerged the aristocracy of the brute. The aristocrat of that time lived in a dug-out and argued with a club. What reasoning power or force of persuasion he had lay in his muscles and bones. Out of that aristocracy came the aristocracy of the brute's possessions. He could get what he desired, and he could keep what he got, when he mingled a little thought with his greedy strength. This is the aristocracy dependent upon estates, cash and stock and bonds; and it always worships huge acquirement. Growing out of this, is the aristocracy of family, for possessions may be passed on from one generation to the other. In our comparatively new country this aristocracy already appears, sometimes without any other coat save its coat of arms, and it is often found hanging itself upon the family tree. It is as pestilential and as undesirable among the isles where Burns and Goldsmith and Shakespeare sang, as it is in the land of Whittier, Bryant, and Long-fellow. Far above all these, is the true and noble aristocracy which has its life rooted in the life of God, the aristocracy of great and pervasive ideas, of all- conquering sentiments, of energetic mind, and of supreme character. John objected even to the shade of the great Abraham ruling in the future, unless it was first understood that the Eternal God could take the least fortunate and hopeful material of time, and so fill it with Himself and re-create it, as to make the result as fine and worthy as the children of that high souled aristocrat. This was the pith of his saying, "God out of these stones can raise up children unto Abraham." We must reverence this principle as the basis upon which shall stand the only aristocracy which advancing civilization may respect, or even tolerate. It must rule and inspire the thought ` of all true Anglo-Saxon confederations. Upon this alone, may we make any strong or permanent alliance. England's gentle and great Queen Victoria rose above all circumstances of birth and inherited privileges of blood, creating an almost new definition of queenliness, and entering into the accumulated moral ideal which humanity venerates and obeys, because of her relationship with the God of Justice and Truth. She was a Bible-woman before she was a queen. The very simplicity of her well-poised soul had a sublimity which exalted her above thrones and scepters, and the grandeur of her reign, which was the consequence and result of her energetic and luminous character, has proven that

"Kind hearts are more than coronets,
And simple faith than Norman blood."

And the very same faith appears indispensable, while it gives, on the one hand, a new glory to that lordship which was beheld in Shaftesbury, as we have known in our untitled Charles Sumner. It will lift from the mass and give true pedestals of influence for such figures as Richard Cobden and Abraham Lincoln. There is no permanent place for an aristocracy of any sort which disassociates itself from the true aristocracy of God and Humanity. We must believe in ruling classes, and in privileged classes, and in high classes; the aristocracy must be our leaders; but they must be ruling classes because they are the servants of ruling ideas; privileged classes only because they have the privilege of entertaining generous sentiments which give the privilege of the same sort to all men; high classes only because of the loftiness of their purpose to increase the wealth of the world's beneficent power. Thus alone, and with certainty, shall their influence be perpetuated, either in a constitutional monarchy or amidst the growing problems of a fierce democracy.

II. When the Man of Galilee uttered his first word in the presence of Imperial Rome and a priestly aristocracy, he saw that man needed to be trans-formed through his prayer unto God, if ever he were to be reformed, and so conformed to the divine image, all of which was in the hope and ideal of Jesus. So he said, "When ye pray, say, 'Our Father.' " If Jesus Christ is to be looked at merely as a philosopher, or a political thinker of the most noble type, we must see that he understood perfectly well that the most creative and re-creative factor in man's life is the power that expresses itself in prayer.

Prayer has been a stream which has flowed along in all centuries, and while it has borne the stars upon its bosom in all latitudes, this also is true that the meadow-lands of human fruitfulness are alluvial deposits, and they are fed from the skies. Build a Parthenon, or a Westminster Abbey, or a Capitol at Washington, at different points on the bank of that stream, and the very architecture and the associations of each will reveal everything concerning the sources of confluent rills making up the stream or the burden which it carries. These streams are fed from above. Tell me what kind of prayer which the people living anywhere offer up to what they think is the supreme power of the universe, and I will tell you what kind of power they will honor or permit, in practical politics, to rule over them. For their prayer will intimate the quality, nay, the character, of their idea of power. What they revere will project its or His character into them. If their idea of power enthroned, and of power to be adored, is such as will incite honor and worship to be given to autocratic force and tyrannical strength, and if their prayer intimates a conviction that this kind of deity may bear just rule over them-selves, you may expect to find the earth below suffering under a horde of crowned autocrats and tyrants, little imitations of the Power Supreme. On the other hand, put into the sky of man's life an idea of God which inspires the best that is in him and stimulates his love and invites hope and glad obedience let him trust that the Great Throne of the universe is the Great While Throne of God and you have almost guaranteed that such a disclosure of what constitutes a righteous and just government above will reflect itself in righteous and just government for the earth below. Its sovereign principle is the same in heaven and in the world of men. The order of progress, in the mind of Jesus, was first, "the new heavens" and then "the new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness. First a dream, then a duty, and then a deed; first the far away vision, then a conviction to be obeyed, then the consequent and blessed reality; first a true idea of God, and ultimately the working out of that, a true idea of man.

He said, "When ye pray say, 'Our Father.'" Sages and prophets of other religions had hinted the idea of Supreme Fatherhood; He made it an inspiriting revelation. But no age or movement or man had given to men a commanding vision of the Our Father. At his best, in the desire to attain his full self, the isolated man stood praying, "My Father." No man had yet felt the intense solidarity and vital unity of all the human race the universal brotherhood. No one had known that profound Christian Socialism which quickens in the first expression of Our Lord's Prayer, "Our Father." I may say, "My Father," and ask only a personal blessing. I may be asking for something that separates me from other men, makes me unsocial, emphasizes me as a special favorite of heaven, and stimulates in me the thought that there may be a blessing which shall touch me alone. But when I say, "Our Father," every man's destiny is bound up with my destiny, as mine is identified with his; every ray of hope in my breast belongs to you and to the man beyond the sea; I have lifted up every human being with me, in my prayer, and the monarchy of my conquering soul, saying "My Father, " has communicated itself to an aristocracy of my brothers in faith and achievement, and this aristocracy has widened into a pure democracy where each of my brother-men is praying with myself to "Our Father."

All beneficent revolutions which have enlarged and strengthened the privileges and opportunities of humanity have come and succeeded and left their unvanishing benefits because of the invincible power of this principle. It has overturned thrones of boastful privilege, and it has created constitutional governments upon the ruins of tyrannies. It has crowned the wrecks of old autocracies by forms of civilization, young and self-respectful. There is not a single throne on earth forgetful of the principle of the Eternal Fatherhood of God and the universal brotherhood of man which will not speedily be dissolved in the morning-time of the sure triumph of this idea. The mere forms of republican institutions, the gigantic experiments of democracy, will fail as surely and pass away as enchanting dreams if we neglect to put into legislation, into our commerce, into our education, and into our temples of politics and religion the sovereign idea that God is the Father of all, and that all men are brethren. Labor and capital will never be reconciled, even if capital should pray upon velvet carpets "My Father," and if at the same time labor should kneel down on its bare floor and pray "My Father."

In the spirit in which each of these classes is too likely to oppose the other, nothing but revolution lies in either of these prayers. It means revolution, because a false system of political economy entrenched strongly, and too often legislating for its own perpetuation, has not permitted the evolution of the practical principle that every man is a brother, and above all men is the government of God. Each must be willing and glad to pray to "OUR Father." He is the Father of us all, to Whom all government and all men must give their final account. For this idea of divine and human government, Jesus Christ lived and embodied in His perfect sonship the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. Against the aristocracy of Pharisees, chief priests, and Roman arms He carried this idea through the agony of the Garden, and for it and its triumph stands His Cross, which will prove to be His Throne in the society and the nation which must be.

III. The Cross of Christ is the illuminative point in the Bible, and it stands for something more than this. When this man of Nazareth came into our world, he found a certain conception of liberty on which the world had built her institutions of politics, and largely her institutions of religion. What is liberty? Ask the Roman under whose eagles Jesus began his work. A Roman would tell you that liberty is a concession. Liberty was the property of thrones, and crowns, and scepters, and rulers, and if the man yonder was free, it was not because he had any right to himself, but it was because a permission had been vouchsafed him, and the crown itself, in which were the sources of liberty, had allowed him something which was not a right of his own soul. It was a concession on the part of power. And therefore crowns and thrones, as I have said, appeared as the depositaries, nay, they were the owners in fee simple; and they doled out liberty, believing that liberty in the hands of the people is quite unsafe, and therefore to be kept safe it must be kept in the hands of the rulers or the crown.

Here came a man walking in the midst of the influences of Roman civilization, as they penetrated the Jewish life. One day, talking with that freedom which he exercised in the midst of a nation of traditions, he found himself addressed by one who informed him, "We be all Abraham's children, and we have never been in bondage to any man. Instantly there flashed from the breast of the young Jew words which are as living as they were then, and far more influential, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." What! Man made free by the truth? That is precisely the Christian notion of liberty. That conception of freedom is the characteristic conception of the whole scheme of the Nazarene. Freed by the truth? Yes. He knew that every inch of human liberty had been won by man's having won truth. He saw that every inch of freedom for man in the world had come first by truth's having come to the world. All the philosophers who ever enjoyed liberty in the intellectual realm possessed it because they first got truth, and by the wings of truth they found the very home of light. All the brave thinkers who had preceeded him had realized in their own souls the truth, and so thoroughly had they adopted the. truth, upon which the world was made, under which history was organized, and according to which the whole future was planned, that the whole world came to be their home; and they moved easily, intellectually and spiritually, within their righteous realm, because it is the truth. He saw distinctly that the old theory of freedom which lay in the Jewish church and in the Roman state was a theory which separated and confined the forces which belong to every man. There never was a more interesting lie in the world than that lie which we tell when we misquote from a fragment of our Declaration of Independence that isolated sentence, "All men are created free." Nobody was ever created free. We are born little slaves. We have around us the slavery of laws arid customs. Nature holds us in bondage; and from the very moment that the little child finds the truth as to how to get its thumb to its mouth, and gets that consequent sense of liberty, up to the time that it stands before the living God, and in the truth that is in Christ Jesus, finds himself free from his sins, it is one long winning of truth. and one long winning of freedom.

Freedom is not something that can be doled out by crowns or given in the lump to men by any sort of legislation. No kind of power can give it to the personal human. soul, It is a personal achievement, and must be won through inspiration and by the enthusiasm and devotion of an eager spirit. When the Christ's notion of liberty came into the world, many crowns and thrones began to feel what successive crowns and thrones know, that part of their occupation was gone. The fact is, that the very instant you tell a crown that it has no right to keep, and, there-fore, has no right to give, liberty, that very instant you remove the whole problem of getting freedom from the throne to the soul of the individual man. "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." Yonder, crouching in the forests, away back there in the darkness of the past, is a wretch groaning and trembling under the smitten air, when the thunders roll over his head, and great lightnings leap out of the black scabbard of the sky, and he is hiding in the dark cave; while down yonder at the station, a little, delicate-fingered girl touches a key that bears my thought quivering under the deep, far over the hills and valleys, across to America, round the world. What is the difference? One knows the truth about electricity, the other does not. One is free around the world, the other is a slave yonder in his cave.

This freedom must be attainable and generously fostered by every agency. Your Wilberforce and Clarkson were succeeded by our Garrison and Lincoln. So also must your Oliver's Latin secretary, John Milton, the author of the greatest of pleas for the liberty of the press, have his Franklin and Lovejoy. But in addition to legislation for emancipation, achieved by heroic men in war and peace, public education must be so comprehensive and unfettered that the mind of empire and republic shall know the truth the truth of God, that man may be free from iniquity and priestcraft; the truth of man, that men may be free from despair and dogmatism; the truth of nature, that men may make the material world the slave of his lofty purpose and the instrumentality of his progress. So only shall these nations live.

W. The Cross of Christ stands for something more still. When He came into the world it was not only the era of traditionalism, it was the era of institutionalism also. Man was almost nothing; institutions were everything. Consider Jesus, will you, as a peasant in Galilee, standing between two most impressive and imperative institutions, the richness and glory of which I have no need to describe to you. On the one side were laws, arms, arts, literatures, traditions, legions, conquests, all massed together upon the Seven Hills in one gigantic and splendid fact, carven in marbles, and radiant with many a haughty victory. I mean, of course, the Roman State. On the other side there were exalted and enshrined upon the hills of Jerusalem a great ecclesiastical history and power, taking the form of an institution. All the spoil gathered in prophecies and in songs, by poets and priests, all the remembered achievements of profound thinkers and mighty captains, found a sacred treasury in that institution. This solemn thing was the Jewish church. On the one side was the Roman State in politics; on the other side was the Jewish Temple in ecclesiastics; between them was humanity, shrunken and shriveled, proudly poor, dimly conscious of its latent energy, and almost hopeless. One day into the darkness and cold which abided thick between these vast institutions the Son of Man walked. Jesus was indeed the Son of. Man. He was not then so much the Son of the Jew, as he was not the Son of the Roman, or of the Greek; but he was the Son of humanity. He saw and understood, and felt to his heart's core, the awful chill and gloom which beset humanity, whose true Son He was, as man moved between these institutions, afraid and awestricken. He took hold of one of these institutions with a vigorous hand. It was not the Roman State, for He was not a demagogue. If He had attacked the Roman State He might have led a revolution to a triumph, and been called the Messiah; and then He would. have been crowned by the Jews. Had He conquered, He would not have been crowned by humanity. He must make His ideals sacred on His cross. He went to the duty lying next to Him, and He touched the Jewish church and told them that, in spite of the fact that institutionalism was as honored and entrenched there as it was in political Rome, there was a vast human movement on foot which would some day sweep one stone from above another. At another time he went into the Temple. Standing amid all its glory, and appreciating fully the immediate influence of its long past, He said, "There stands one here greater than the Temple. " The day had come for the transference of the emphasis from institutions to humanity.

Once again He took an institution into his hands, one of that sort the hardest to reform. It was the old Jewish Sabbath. He saw its meaning, its prophecy, and its hope. He took it in his one hand for a moment, and put man in the other hand; He let His divine scales determine, and man outweighed it. And he said, when Pharisaism howled (when man goes up and an institution comes down, Pharisaism always says it is unconstitutional or uninstitutional) when Pharisaism objected there, he said, "The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath."

Did he come to destroy institutions? Behold Him on the cross. Look at the dark sky, and the veil of the Temple rent in twain from the top to the bottom. The dominance of the institution had gone, the reign of man had come. Had all institutions gone? No; for in the name of humanity, for the salvation of humanity, he went into that institution called the grave, fought death in his own castle, rose from the grave, and on the wreck of the Jewish Sabbath he placed the Christian Holy Day, with all the inspiring hopes of humanity. His idea was to teach men that institutions are to be the servants of men, and that constitutions, laws, traditions, methods, buildings, everything is to serve humanity. From that hour to this, it has been easy to reform institutions. From that hour to this, it has been possible even to amend constitutions. From that moment to this, men have been walking up in front of all institutions, and asking, "What are you doing for humanity?"

Yonder shines the name of Oliver Cromwell. It is a wholesome and comprehensive statesmanship and a statesmanship making the throne of Edward VII. steadier and his scepter more powerful, which has at length placed under the shadow of your Houses of Parliament and in full view of kings and lords as they pass by to be crowned or to debate, an adequate statue of him to whom nothing of institutionalism was as sacred as the rights of mankind. His friends carried the seeds of a radical Puritanism across the sea, and these friends, the pilgrims, planted them in the fresh, wide field of America. Their children's children learned to ask pertinent questions of institutions and to abhor taxation without representation. Cromwell's sightless skull might rot in wind and rain, as it hung on the pinnacle of Westminster Hall. But he lived in his successor; and so thorough was the triumph of the finer ideas which once moved in that skull, that, at our Cambridge, which was named for your "hot-bed of Puritanism," the Continental armies saw a sword unsheathed by the descendant of a Cavalier. Its light flashed upon the reactionary institutionalism of King George and Lord North, in the name of humanity. It preserved the nobler English traditions which Burke was quoting from Hampden and the Bill of Rights, as Hampden quoted them from the great charter. It was the sword of our Washington.

V. Once more let this Cross of Jesus Christ dominate our thought with respect to the politics of the future. Up to the hour of His crucifixion, which was God's glorification of Himself, and the date of His establishing on earth a plan of government which shall issue in the triumph of love and the abandonment of sword and spear, there was no spot on earth where, and there was no event in history when, all men were shown to be equal. "Liberty!" had been the cry of one race; "Equality!" had now and then emerged as the name of an idea wrought out from the too noisy discussions of half-suppressed dreamers; and "Fraternity" was the word of a blissful vision. But long ago spice the Man Who had talked most of true liberty. He had created the sentiment which must produce fraternity. He had so placed the divine government before the mind of man, that not only did His cross of death become His throne of life, but He made the word equality a name of something real in the experience of man and in the mind of God. The Jewish church could not preach equality of any world-wide significance, because it divided the Gentile world from itself. The Roman State did not champion it, for there were patricians and plebeians, masters and slaves. The intellectually proud and subtle Greek scorned the rest of the world as barbarians. The obvious differences in ability and fortune, in position and circumstances, which must always obtain to some extent amongst men, were cruelly accentuated, and they were used to create discord. No one had reason to believe that there is any point in the nature or experience or hope of men where they are equal.

Suddenly there lifted itself against that sullen sky the victorious cross. For the first time in human history appeared a commanding fact before which all men stood in awe. In the radiance of that reality appeared a common need-for every human being cries out there, "Who shall deliver me from the body of this death?" Here was a common inspiration, for any man who sees the cross feels the uplift of its divine charm. Here was a common hope, for no man has yet remained unstirred by the gleam of morning which falls from that signal of peace into his soul. Here was a common blessing, for here was a common redemptive power. Here, at last, all men were equal, and here they are equal. From the occasion of that sacrifice for all, the idea got into the air. It spread over the world with the advancing daylight; it was borne upon every breeze. It created an era of missionaries. It impelled the dream of true democracy. Then came the recurring thought, also, that this spot was the very place at which God Almighty had exhibited the nature and method of His government. A new system of politics was thus inspired. A new conception of what Church and State must mean in any true government was born. From that day to this, there has been a steady breaking down of adventitious and fantastic lines of demarcation and walls of separation between man and man. God's love has flowed over all. The beggar has knelt at the same altar with the prince; the king has washed the feet of his slave. The valley has been exalted and the mountain and the hill are made low. And this is the perpetual programme of God. The so-called statesmanship which fails to arrange things in accordance with this plan throughout all the future will be execrated by man and broken to pieces by the hand of God. Institutions of religion, systems of education, methods of commercial life, which forget that, at this most vital point, all men are equal, will have their brief day and cease to be. The event of Calvary has revealed the divine government, and it will increasingly impress men with the fact that any just government on earth will be like the government of God, and the world shall know equality of laws, equality of privileges, equality of responsibilities.

These five ideas are basic to Anglo-Saxon progress. We must cling to the faith which they inspire:

(1) That true aristocracy comes of relationship unto God and of God's relationship unto man. It is not an affair of human, but of divine pedigree.

(2) That God is the Father of all, and all men are brethren.

(3) That liberty is an achievement obtained by the knowledge and obedience of the truth of God, in nature and' man.

(4) That institutions exist for humanity, and not humanity for institutions.

(5) That a just government guarantees equal rights and responsibilities.

These appear to me to be five imperial principles which are involved in our scheme and enterprise of civilization. They are so clearly set in the intention of God as revealed in Jesus Christ that we may fairly say that England the Mother, and the American Republic, her Daughter, confront a most beneficent and glorious future, if we shall invoke them as we would invoke the hand of Almighty God to guide us and lead us on. In that hand have been crushed tyranny and oppression. In that hand anarchy and greed shall find their doom. In the palm of that hand lie the empire and the republic, safe from the alarms of foes and confident of "that far-off divine event towards which the whole creation moves." All reactionary politics may be sure of imminent disaster and complete overthrow, in view of the fact that the steady growth of these principles has furnished assurance that in this path alone our common history shall be perpetuated and our common duties be met with a sublime courage. For a time the glory of these principles may be obscured by the fitful appearance of the same malign powers which have so often opposed them. But their continuous and ultimate triumph is sure. We may well have confidence in them as permanent ideals. When avarice and ignorance, calculating ecclesiasticism or brutal greed, shall fall upon the fresh hope of civilization, these principles shall emerge, and they will lead us on to a permanent and most blessed victory for righteousness and truth.

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