Menticulture - Twentieth Century Hope

( Originally Published 1901 )

In furnishing for a new edition of Menticulture an addition to the fore going chapters, I cannot do better than take my cue from the caption of the preceding chapter, which was the last chapter of the previous editions.

Hope is an ever pregnant theme, but never more so than at the present moment.

The emancipation of the individual unit of Society from the thraldom of the invading passions that are grouped under the class names of anger and worry, as surely leads to the release of altruistic impulses that will free Society from the diseases of indifference, license and poverty, as did the emancipation of a few bondmen finally lead to a universal recognition of the principle of human freedom.

The acceleration of progress is geometric in ratio and has never yet been disappointing. It has taught us to hope for anything we desire and to know that if it is good it shall not be denied us.

The Optimism that was so clearly taught by the Master of our Civilization two thousand years ago has grown in possibilities to a point where optimists can confidently adopt the motto "All can be and therefore shall be well," and the abundant accomplishments of progress are evidence of the possibilities of the realization of the motto being attained.

In formulating a Hope for the Twentieth Century we must first take an inventory of what we are and what we have; note the defects in ourselves and in our possessions; outline in our minds what we would like to be and what we would like to have; and then proceed to plan and build accordingly, with the assurance of receiving what we desire.

With a great surplus of means, the matter of attainment of any reasonable hope is not difficult and need not long be delayed. Things or means do not have to be acquired, as we already have them in abundance. It only requires a change in the national point of view and a change of the direction of existing energy from wasteful and unprofitable selfishness to profitable co-operative altruism. The individual point-of-view of the majority (pessimistic assertion to the contrary not-withstanding) is now altruistic, but being nationally unorganized does not show its strength as opposed to the small minority of the perversely selfish. All of the prevailing conditions seem to be favorable to a change from enforced selfishness to co-operative or voluntary altruism, and the nineteen hundredth anniversary of the birth of Christ is a fitting occasion for a Christian nation to re-adjust its manners and its economies on the plan of the Master, as intended by the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

Society, in experimenting with government, has tried and suffered many different forms. In the beginning there were only families in which all men and women were brothers and sisters in sympathy. Tribal government was but an extension of family government to cover many families. Under tribal organization; however, wars began and slavery was instituted as one of the results of conquest. Slavery, in turn, influenced forms of government by creating the baronial, the military, the ecclesiastic, and finally the heavenly-ordained " autocratic forms, until, having over-reached endurance, these extreme selfish forms began to be reformed in the constitutional monarchy and finally in the democratic government as represented by the several republics of the present time.

In framing the government of the United States the effort to attain the simplicity and purity of family brotherly rule and the unrestrained strength of individual freedom and energy at the same time, license was allowed the title of Liberty, and, protected by that sacred title, has fostered iniquity, has encroached with brazen effrontery beyond the point of patient endurance, and must soon meet the stern reproof of an outraged altruistic sentiment. License, in control of democratic government has proved itself to be more autocratic and tyrannical than any of the preceding usurpations of rule, and, going the way of all tyrants, must soon be crushed out. It is the brightest Hope of the Approaching Century that its dawn will witness the inauguration of a crusade against this chief and most far-reaching evil of our otherwise wise and almost perfect form of national co-operation.

License, masquerading as Liberty, has permitted selfishness to usurp the place of altruism in the national habit of thought, but the national point of view can be changed to the normal civilized point-of-view by organized effort, and the dawn of the Twentieth Century of the Christian Era is a good time to agree to a general truce of greed and to a change to normal civilized habits of social relations.


Our first duty in preparing to build a Twentieth Century Hope is to frankly note what we are, and how we behave as individuals and as a nation.

In the first place, our vaunted Democracy has become an Oligarchy of Greed, administered by License whose god is money Mammon. This is not cant, although it sounds bad enough to be cant.

The administration of our national, state, and municipal governments is a constant reproach because of the dominating influence of money and corrupting lobbies, and much of our representation abroad in the capitals and marts of foreign nations is, greatly to our shame, ridiculous, being made so through the spoils system of appointment.

There is unceasing strife between capital and labor between the producer, or parent, of capital, and its ungrateful offspring. There are squalor and crime and unrest where there should be only harmony and happiness.

There is, to be sure, not much of these evils in comparison to the good that prevails, but there should be less and even none of them.

As a nation, we have seasons and, latterly, long terms when there is much of idleness, poverty and want; public improvements that we greatly need are lacking; and general or universal education is sadly neglected in many localities.

Here are the three chief requisites of a high grade Christian Civilization unfulfilled. May we not hope for a Twentieth Century cure for these Nineteenth Century evils?

Whenever there is any surplus of labor the unemployed are at the mercy of the meanest of alien employers. By forcing wages nearly down to the starvation point, through the dire necessities of the unemployed,. these heart-less employers and soulless corporations secure an advantage in cost of production that compels normally sympathetic and generous employers to do the same or fail in business, until, through the unholy greed of a single "meanest of the mean," the prevailing scale of wages is made and kept as low as it is possible to offer work-men, work-women and work-children, and yet prevent the hungry from killing the opulent in order to get food.

The point has already been reached where there is, and must continue to be, an increasing surplus of labor in the United States, even without further immigration, and hence, unless there is organized effort to prevent it, all labor is doomed to become the serf of soul-less capital and at the mercy of the meanest of employers, instead of being privileged to cheerfully work under the protection of the most generous, as should be the case.

In the matter of roads national highways also, we are at the mercy of mean or alien property holders; and in that of education, many of our fellow citizens our brothers by the command of Christianity and of humanity are at the mercy of parents of depraved intelligence through toleration of license as a phase of Liberty.

It is an old saying, but always remains a fundamental truism, that "A chain is no stronger than its weakest link." It is equally true that a system of social or industrial economics is no safer from the incursions of selfishness than the possible invasion of its most pregnable loop-holes; that a highway is no better than its roughest section; and that systems of government and education are no more invulnerable than their weakest administration.

If license be tolerated in any degree it will invade the smallest loop-hole, ruin the smoothest highway, and weaken the best intentions of education and government.

In a government administered on the basis of altruism, neither fear nor license would have an abiding-place. Let us hope that the divinely ordained Forethought and Liberty of the Twentieth Century may be freed from these Nineteenth Century parasites.


Our next step in evolving a Twentieth Century Hope should be to confine our present desires within our immediate possibilities, and then proceed to hope and act them into existence.

Absence of poverty is the first necessity of the highest civilization, and universal education and public improvements of the greatest efficiency and of the greatest beauty are the next requisites of civilized national equipment. These three include within themselves all that could be wished for a nation, for their attainment implies pure government and naturally leads to all else that can be desired.

Let us now build a Hope as to how these civilized needs may be secured.

A public improvement of first importance is that of Good Free Roads. Good railroads are not sufficient because they are not now free, and Good Free Roads are a prime requisite of freedom.

The public roads of the United States are almost the worst to be found in any civilized country, because there is no uniformity of plan in building them, and no widely organized effort to secure them, obstruction in that direction being at the mercy of the stingiest and least progressive of the owners of abutting property, as before stated.

In road construction we follow the lead of the least liberal, least intelligent and least progressive, instead of the lead of the most liberal, wisest and most patriotic. How can we change our leaders and secure roads worthy of a civilized nation? That is the question.

Within the most consistent interpretation of the intention of the Constitution relative to the federation of the States that comprise our United States, —an intention so self evident to the framers of the Constitution that it did not call for explicit reference, Interstate Communication of the freest and easiest sort, under the control of the Federal Government, holds first place in importance, and Good Free Roads are the natural means.

It would clearly be within the scope, and should be the first duty, of the Federal Government to build the best possible highways by the shortest routes between the different State capitals. These Interstate Roads should be the care of the Federal Government, and should be protected by Federal Government regulations of the most intelligent kind.

In building these roads the Government could establish a standard of wages consistent with the necessities of living in each locality, and aim to em-ploy labor in such a way as to absorb all of the surplus not required in private enterprises; and, construction of the national highways beginning at all of the State capitals, work would be within reach of all unemployed, and could be pushed or suspended according to the labor emergency.

This plan would make it necessary for private enterprises to pay the established standard of living wages at least, and, in addition, whatever premium scarcity might impose. Government in that case would stand as a moderator between capital and labor, to the extent of freeing labor from the coercion of dire necessity that is now taken advantage of by the greed of soulless employers, and at the same time it would leave the whole outside realm of competition open to choice, in which to assert and foster individualism within the private industries.

The army of the necessarily unemployed is at no time a very large army, and if the hours of labor prevailing throughout all the occupations were reasonably limited, that army would be still smaller; but the possibility of being compelled to join it is the one ever present dread and uncertainty of the wage-earner and the constant menace to his happiness. It is the source of more fear and worry, and anger and strife, and friction, and drunkenness than any other cause.

The evil of any surplus of labor over the demand for labor is very far-reaching. Not alone is all labor affected thereby, through the machinations of alien employers, but it becomes the opportunity of the lazy the drones in the national hive to shirk, and to lean on charity rather than seek employment. This shirking can easily be done under present conditions, because there is no way for the charitable individual to discriminate, and hence the possibility of the genus tramp that is a disgrace to our fair land and a reproach to a civilization where wealth is superabundant, as it is now in the United States.

Charity-Organization societies in many of the large cities have helped charitably inclined individuals to discriminate, and have prevented much of the indiscriminate and injudicious giving that once was a means of hart instead of a means of good as intended, but they have effected mitigation only and not the desired cure of the under-lying evil that civilization demands; for, under the best intention and working of the charity societies, there' may yet be both compulsory poverty and perverse poverty; and, while no civilized nation or national sentiment should tolerate the necessity of compulsory poverty, it should put its mark of sternest disapproval on poverty that is perverse. Civilization means growth, growth means work; and the opportunity to work at living wages is the imperative care of civilized government.

If the Federal Government were to organize plans to connect the State capitals with the best possible highways as a means of Free Interstate Communication, the next step necessarily following, as the result of the national example, would be for the State governments to connect the county-seats in the same manner; and, following that, the county governments would necessarily have to similarly connect the cities and the towns, until the system of good roads throughout the country would be complete, and all profitably accomplished within the established functions of the several national, state, county and municipal governments.


As a matter of necessity as well as expediency, states and counties now take care of their paupers and their insane, who are made so by limitations and in-harmonic social conditions that have grown up in this Nineteenth Century, and which were undreamed of in the Eighteenth Century when the Constitution was framed. May they not begin to anticipate the acceleration of progress and create conditions at the opening of the Twentieth Century that will make pauperism unnecessary, and therefore not tolerable, and, as such, impossible?

All this can be accomplished under the Constitution, and for the next twenty years the building of much-needed public improvements might be used to absorb the surplus of labor and establish a standard of living wages, and may be confined to road making in the manner suggested, until there shall be only good roads and perfect roads to every inhabitable part of the country; and, after that, other civilized improvements will suggest themselves until the end of time, for the limit of improvement can never be reached if its lead be once taken and followed.

If these modifying, and at the same time profitable, improvements were to involve the use of the public credit to any extent whatever within the necessities of the case, would it not seem to be a wise Twentieth Century innovation to make a ten percent public investment at a three percent cost, rather than breed an anarchy that may lead to the ruin of a great war.

Had the nation peacefully freed the black slaves of 1861 at a cost of a thousand dollars each, it would not have sacrificed a million white lives, ruined billions of dollars' worth of property, and burdened the resources of five decades with a pension roll that now stands at nearly two hundred millions of dollars. Instead; it would have saved it all for the uses of harmony, peace and progress, and would not have prostituted it for the uses of war, ruin and an inheritance of partisan bribery that offers temptation to idleness and false-hood by the perpetuation of contingent pensions that were not earned.


It has also been established by successful experiment that it is the proper function of the General Government to create departments of experimentation and statistics, in order to freely furnish the best information on any subject to any citizen who may seek it. The subjects of hygiene and economy are of the most vital importance to all per-sons. In connection with the building of Interstate highways, our present unintelligent fellow-citizens employed on the public works might easily be instructed in simple rules of economy and hygiene. They might be given, in the form of rations, the benefit of the best food with which to feed muscle; and also might be taught particulars of the best methods of production, preparation, cost, etc., of economic and nutritious food that would better equip those who had once served in government employment, for the practice of hygiene and economy in living when they returned to private employment. In this manner the system that would be known to the heads of the Departments of Hygiene and Economy as the best and most economic system of furnishing fuel to the body of the laborer, would, through the wide and all inclusive extent of the Interstate Highway service, become the education of all the citizens Of the country and at the cost only of the initial expense of one experimental station under the advice of the highest obtainable intelligence on the subject.

And what would all of this contemplated outlay of public funds lead to in the way of profitable returns?

President Potter, of the League of American Wheelmen, is able to show by accurate statistics that the bad roads of the United States cost, in waste of power and in waste of horses and vehicles, each two years, as much as would be required to make perfect and permanent roads to take the place of the bad roads.

We have, therefore, a crying need of Good Free Roads, whose neglect is a national reproach, and the correction of which, together with stringent immigration laws, and a sliding scale of hours of labor, would effectively, humanely and profitably cure the shameful and far-reaching evil of compulsory poverty for several years to come; and, surely lead eventually to the inauguration of an era of compulsory manual as well as intellectual education of youth during the developing period, and thereby still further relieve the ranks of the unemployed by keeping untaught and undeveloped children out of the productive occupations.

One generation of this sort of Christian and humane fraternalism would solve the problem of labor for the present and for all time, because, as machinery encroached on hand labor, hours of labor could be shortened by law, and the Lords of Production would become, more and more, the freemen they deserve to be.

Our Twentieth Century Hope has suggested a way whereby, in using our best intelligence instead of our lack of intelligence, we may open up free channels of communication between the states, between the counties, and between the cities and hamlets, and in the doing of it in an intrinsically patriotic and profitable manner create a really free people to use them possess ourselves of perfect arteries and veins within our body-politic and start the red and white corpuscles of national blood to circulating freely in them, so that there shall be neither congestion nor paralysis in any of its parts.

That " General " Coxey advocated some such plan of organized effort to mitigate want by the promotion of much needed improvements, from a point-of-view that created antagonism in political circles, because it advocated an irredeemable and non-interest bearing currency with which to pay the labor employed, is no reason why the opening of the Twentieth Century should not see the benefit of a similar or modified plan from other points-of-view, and thereby put in operation a practical system of sorely needed reform. As a matter of experience, the fact of a proposition having been suggested and laughed at as an innovation against established habit of thought and stupidly venerated custom is the best evidence that it will eventually be adopted in a form not greatly different from that of the initial proposition. Vide the Penny-Post.


And what means, we may reasonably ask, does our Twentieth Century Hope offer to accomplish the moderation of compulsory poverty and the attainment of public improvements, whose doing would serve a doubly profitable purpose, and which our surplus wealth entitles us to have?

Many forms of political organization have failed to give us what we desire, and yet what we want is really at our command, and is all our own.

Manipulators of unequal taxation, unjust discrimination and corporate greed have been entrusted with the management of our government. We must consider it a trust because we have either endorsed it with our votes or permitted it by neglecting to vote. The trust has not been a voluntary one on our part, but with our present lack of organized self-protection and co-operative altruism - the natural yearning for which has been drugged nearly to death by lazy apathy the administration of our most vital Interests has slipped out of our own hands and fallen into the hands of the utterly selfish, through the manipulation of ward politics in the control of the saloon made and other depraved influences. Drinking saloons, where present politics âre chiefly manipulated and controlled, thrive on the life blood of spasmodic idleness and thrift the thrift furnishing the means and idleness the opportunity to patronize saloons and the uncertainty of it all has created a habit-of-worry that tries to drown it-self in drink, thereby adding misery to misery.

In the direction of the present administration of politics, it is, therefore, hopeless to look for what we most de-sire. It has had its opportunity to administer wisely, but has neglected it.

But the Twentieth Century Hope has been made brighter by . the gradual formation of other kinds of organization that are more powerful in their "might of right," and to these we dedicate our New Century Hope.

Within a few years there have been formed almost no end of fraternal organizations, whose basic principle is the blessed Golden Rule. These include all of the churches, and, together with the older fraternal organizations, comprise within their circles nearly all of the community.

These already professedly altruistic organizations, however (in spite of the aspersion that in some of them the Golden Rule has been but an ornament and not a working hypothesis), are free and ready to form a general altruistic organization for mutual benefit and for the promotion of their joint basic principle, as is evidenced by the wonderful success of the Christian Endeavorer movement; and, ignoring all of the special objects of the fraternizing organizations, and, sticking to the main tenet of the Golden Rule, which is the key-note of all of the separate organizations, they should be eager to celebrate the beginning of the Twentieth Century after the birth of its Author by putting His precepts into practical use in every-day life, in humanity, and in social and political economy, as He prescribed; and, thereby, incidentally return with loyalty to the pure intentions of the Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of our United States. No better guides for all time than the Golden Rule and the Constitution-of the United States can be framed, because they were uttered by altruists and freemen for freemen and altruists, and attain within their intent the fostering of the heart's best impulses, the soul's best inspiration and the power of our own best co-operative strength.


It is generally conceded that the spirit of cooperative altruism is dominant and but needs crystallization about a central idea or a central anniversary date.

It is a notable and significant fact that there is no important party political issue before the country at present. Labor has tried and proved the futility of aggressive methods. The growth of almost automatic machine power, together with the great increase in the manufacturing activity of Germany and of Japan, and a threatened invasion by China of the field of manufacture, warn us that we must act quickly in self-protection or suffer the result of neglect. There is a lull in the storm of competi ton, and in that lull the breath of hope is held in eager expectation. Even the patient interest of the Orient is expectant of some important change in December, 1899. At that time the eight great planets will be in conjunction in Sagittarius, the first time in five thou-sand years, and in the lore of Oriental symbolism it portends the beginning of a world-reforming epoch.


The United States is the kindergarten of nations. It is the object-lesson--the experiment-ground for the world.

The whole world is looking for reform. Some expect to see the beginning signaled by the red fire of anarchy; but that must not be. Instead, let us read our future in the pure white light of altruism. The possibility of it is all centered in the point-of-view that directs our efforts. Let us take the right point-of-view.


There is ample time to prepare for a festival to take place in the opening year of the Twentieth Century, that will appropriately celebrate our re-turn to the freedom that was proclaimed by Christ and vouchsafed by our Constitution. There are already thousands of pools of reflected Christ-light that reflect also the glow of patriotic fire within our altruistic organizations. There are churches and lodges, and clubs and circles, and labor and trade guilds in almost every hamlet in the land as well as in the larger communities. If professed brotherhood have any substance in fact, the members of all of these organizations are brothers; believe in every-day Christianity and every-day altruism; and would gladly send delegates to a convention to study the problems of inharmony and clumsy administration that now exist, and also to devise ways and means of correction. There are already hundreds, and probably thousands, of students of the social and political problems of the times who have specialized their labors, and out of the observations and experiences of these can be found and selected a compendium of all the causes and effects of inharmony and the possible cures that can be applied to separate phases of evil.


In the matter of Good Roads, as one of the elements of our Twentieth Century Hope, President Potter, ex-President Elliott of the League of American Wheelmen (and wheel-women) and a complete organization of earnest co-operators stand ready to show the legal, economical and moral aspects of the Good Roads Question, and to offer the unanimous vote of the entire army of wheelmen in support of a practical plan of establishing good roads.

The plan suggested has already met with the approval of the farmers, who are the real producers of all of our possessions; and, if submitted to the decision of the majority in a general election, instead of, as is now the case, to the objection of the meanest and narrowest of their class, who are blind to their own best interests in local elections, would find almost universal approval.


A convention, thus gathered in 1898, would have time to seek the world over for examples of the best that has been achieved in government and in general progress, and start a campaign of suggestion and education that would rivet the attention of the whole country on the questions involved a general inter est in change of the point-of-view that would mean much for humanity. Delegates to the primary convention would return to their delegating organizations with material for discussion of the issues in hand, and great interest in economic questions would be aroused, until even the saloon and other professional political manipulators would see in the new movement brighter chances for them-selves in honest effort than had formerly prevailed, and, at all events, would see no hope of opposition against organized good, and would quickly turn to aid in the new acceleration of progress.

After ample discussion of the issues there would yet be time to send the wisest and the best of the members of these altruistic organizations as authorized delegates to a final convention, where a pure and strong platform, without barter or exchange, could be framed, and candidates of sternest integrity and wisest equipment could be nominated to submit to the choice of the people as opposed to the saloon-made and greed-fostered "platforms" and "tickets" of Nineteenth Century pattern.


Human nature is good nature if freed from fear and restraint, and if it seem profitable to be good there is a double incentive. Human nature as expressed in these United States is warped by conditions that are the results of slovenly carelessness and unbridled license, but which are in no way created by real only apparent necessity. There are many more good men, and overwhelmingly more good women, in these United States than there are of the selfish and depraved sort, and there will be many more still if the presently smothered spirit of altruism is. only once given a chance to assert and establish itself. To prove this it is only necessary to sound the keynote of altruistic sentiment, by any name whatever, in any group of citizens gathered in car, in hotel rotunda, or in assembly hall, to receive almost universal approval. Even among professional politicians and the presently-depraved, the average of the good and generous is high. They measure by comparison and can see no harm in occupations that are licensed by the government and patronized by the rich and the self-constituted élite. Conditions have beset them and warped their choice; and politics as a business, and not be-cause they are patriotically inspired, as they should be, is their natural opportunity for occupation, and a recognized spoils system, inspired by the devil of greed, is their teacher therein.

Even the plutocratic manipulators of politics for personal selfish ends are not pleased with the rôles they have to assume in relation to "boodle" politics, and they cringe before the assumed necessity of swearing to lying tax lists and of winking at special expense accounts ; but they must do what "boodle" politics demands or suspend business altogether, for it is the custom.

Successful accumulators of great estates, while amassing wealth, commonly see their sons made useless, and even reprobate, by means of the very wealth they have worked so hard to ac-cumulate. It is the conditions, and not the people, that are at fault, and our Twentieth Century Hope, accomplished, would cause sighs of relief to ascend from palace, as well as from hovel, the land over.


In expressing a Twentieth Century Hope it is natural for an optimist to foresee a realization of many harmonious concords of social and industrial life that may seem in their possibility quite remote to the unthinking.

On the plane of the Here and the Now, and the Needed and the Possible, however, there are three things that are vital to the progress and harmony of society, especially to Society as organized under the confederation of the United States of America.

Forced poverty, bad roads, and in-different education are the three things that are now the burning shame and the reproach of our otherwise fair land, and are the result of license. Corrupt politics and indecently inefficient foreign representation in many parts of the world, as the result of the spoils system, are but shadows of these three vital deficiencies of our political or communal administration; and yet they are the easiest possible things to correct by united effort. The cost of it all would come back to the country within a decade, and in the meantime serve as a moderator between capital and labor that would be a god send to both of these supplemental interests. Systematic and compulsory education by the best means known to the science of pedagogy, including the so-called manual branches, removed from any political contamination, would take growing children and under-done youth from the lists of competitive labor, and much more effectively make use of the growing energies of such in manual training schools, where useful articles could be made in the course of teaching, than by present methods of neglect; and within one generation, or, at most, two, would completely and favorably solve the problems of ignorance and incapacity that are at the bottom of most of our evils.


Twentieth Century Hope may surely will lead to better suggestions than I can offer; and the right suggestion is sure to come from an unexpected source; therefore let every altruist every advocate of the Golden Rule, whether woman or man, girl or boy, turn his point-of-view and his point-of-interest on our Twentieth Century Hope; for on the interest or suggestion of any one, she or he, may the possibility of the greatest reforms the world has seen hinge and depend.

It is already an assured hope that the altruists of the land will get together in convention, to consider the possibility of inaugurating the new millennial period in a manner worthy of a country that stands for the highest Christian and civilized ideals. This is assured, because those whose motto is "All can be and therefore shall be well" have decreed that it shall be so.


A " bugbear" of United States politics has always been " paternalism," as opposed to " individualism," and it will probably be raised as a cry against any organized effort to modify the social inharmonies that prevail and, from sheer habit of thought, without logical consideration of the purport of plans that aim only to return to original intentions as embodied in the Declaration and in the Constitution. When those splendid documents were written and approved, social and industrial conditions were very different from what they are now. There was a great surplus of virgin acres, teeming with possibilities of wealth; there was but a limited supply of hand labor, and practically no machines. Steam and electricity had not been harnessed for use in the industries, and the most far-seeing statesmen could not contemplate the possibility of a surplus of labor with no avenue of relief through the opportunity of pioneering beyond the limits of settled life. In those days there could be no congestion, because the occupations were not full to overflowing, through the usurpation of automatic machinery.

If government have any holy office at all, the most holy is that of protection. It is for this purpose that soldiers and police are used, and not for the punishment of offenders against the peace and the liberties of the people (except as punishment is intended to serve protection); and it certainly is better for government to create harmonic conditions than it is to allow in-harmony wherein crime is almost a necessity. Civilized government was never intended to use its means and energies in whipping instead of correcting. Paternalism is a thing of the past. It has no place in any possible issue of the present, but Fraternalism has come to take its place. And why should not government be as fraternal as its intelligence can make it when administering a Constitution whose key-note is brotherhood and equal opportunity?

That it is the spirit of the national habit-of-thought that Fraternalism is the key-note of civilization is forcibly expressed in many different ways, and without systematic collusion, by evidence of the constitutions and by-laws of all organized circles of citizens.

Let us hope that the dawn of the Twentieth Century will look upon a country as free from bugbears" as it is free from real causes of inharmony; as free from fears as it is free from real causes of fear; as free from poverty as it is rich in means; as free from bad roads as it is now wanting in good roads; as pure in politics as the intent of the Constitution; and as altruistic in its social relations as the teaching of the Master whose anniversary it is.

Home | More Articles | Email: